Days before the President of Brazil had been upstaged in Washington by a children’s Easter celebration, which was publicized more than her visit to the White House. “That little photo opportunity had more visibility than the visit of the President of the sixth largest economy in the world,” complained the Brazilian press, contrasting Dilma’s reception with those of the presidents of China, Russia, and India.

What stood out most from the Summit in Cartagena were the blunders and gossip material. Shakira made mistakes in several verses of the Colombian national anthem. Twelve members of Obama’s Secret Service had to return beforehand due to a scandal with prostitutes whom the bodyguards refused to pay. “It is the worst scandal in the history of the Secret Service,” wrote the Washington Post.

The Last Summit?

The history of the Summit of the Americas is as brief as it is significant. The first was proposed by Bill Clinton and took place in December,1994, in Miami. The climate was dominated by the Washington Consensus, in which the region dutifully followed White House principles, which used the platform to launch the FTAA (Free Trade Area of the Americas).

The derailing came with the fourth summit in Mar del Plata, Argentina, in November of 2005, when the United States couldn’t impose the FTAA due the refusal of Mercosur and Venezuela. The fifth summit, which took place in Trinidad and Tobago in 2009, was merely procedural since the presidency of Obama had just only begun.

The sixth summit was something else. First, the region is not divided – it is united. It is united against the discrimination against Cuba, against the drug war, and in favor the decolonization of the Malvinas Islands. Second, the region showed that it is now mature enough to walk on its own, without the “interference” of the United States and Canada. Third, the United States is isolated and very few countries continue to follow it: only Mexico and Chile, but each with very low profiles.

The absences of Rafael Correa, Hugo Chavez, and Daniel Ortega made less noise than the early exits of Cristina Fernandez and Evo Morales. But the most notorious was the departure of Dilma Rousseff who suspended her appointment with host Juan Manuel Santos for “scheduling reasons.” The Colombian President rushed to tell anyone who would listen that the summit “wasn’t a failure.”

The main change that explains the shift is the taking-off of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC by its Spanish initials) formed in February of 2010. The creation of this organization, one without the United States and Canada, which had been in the works for a time, began to take shape months after the notable failure of the Organization of American States in resolving the crisis provoked by the coup d’état in Honduras in June of 2009.

The Declaration of Cancun, signed upon the creation of CELAC, pointed to the necessity of “deepening the political, economic, social and cultural integration of our region,” defending “multilateralism,” promoting regional integration and the creation of a new financial architecture, including the possibility of making payments in national currencies and evaluating the creation of a common currency.

Obama’s Solitude

A report from Reuters emphasized that the President of the United States “left the summit alone” highlighting “the continual decrease of Washington’s influence in a region that has become less dependent on commerce and investments from the United States, thanks to rates of economic growth that are the envy of the developing world and new opportunities from their relations with China.”

The report mentions the crisis of the OAS, now that it is seen as an instrument of United States Cold War policy and maintains that the countries of the region are pushing for “a rebellion against the United States.” What’s more, the report maintains that the summit in Cartagena represented “a diplomatic victory for Havana.”

And it’s not only the exclusion of Havana that is unsustainable. The War on Drugs, which has been Washington’s key policy in the region since the fall of the Berlin Wall, is being questioned by almost every single country. Obama was forced to contest Guatemalan President Otto Perez Molina’s proposal for decriminalizing drug consumption, regulating their production and sale, and hardening the penalties for traffickers.

A recent study by the International Institute of Strategic Studies based in London maintains that the War on Drugs has a “threat for international security” that should force us to search for new alternatives.

Their paper titled “Drugs, Insecurity, and Failed States: The Problems of Prohibition,” examines the policies centered on the prohibition of drugs during the last four decades and concludes that they have not impeded the production, the trafficking, or the consumption of drugs, but that they have caused an increase in violence and instability in the world.

“Prohibition has failed to reduce the global consumption of drugs and has incidentally gifted a billion dollar business to organized crime syndicates” said Nigel Inkster, director of Transnational Threats and Political Risks of the prestigious Center for British Studies and coauthor of the study along with researcher Virginia Comolli.

The pressure against drug trafficking shifted the areas of production and led the traffickers to look for new routes that had been previously unexplored, causing areas of instability to steadily increase. That is the reason why an “urgent global debate” to study all of the possible alternatives to the current prohibition regime, including legalization and decriminalization, is being solicited.

Greg Grandin, Professor of Latin American History at New York University, said that “the principal pillars of American foreign policy (promoting neoliberalism and increasing militarization through drug policy) are still standing, and have created a crisis in the corridor that runs from Colombia, passes through Central America, and stretches up to Mexico.”

Even though many recognize that the antidrug policy has been a disaster –  even President Santos of Colombia is asking for changes –  Obama insisted in rejecting the legalization policy that the other countries suggested.

When Dilma asked for “relations among equals” recalling that “in the past, asymmetrical relationships between the North and the South have been responsible for very negative processes,” she was interpreting the feelings of the majority of the presidents.

Without an alternative policy and having lost the role as Latin America’s most important market, the United States has to think about how the CELAC has begun to substitute the OAS as a forum to debate and resolve the problems of the region.

The Petroleum Issue

According to the British daily, The Guardian, Americans seem to be “prisoners of another era” in their relations with the region and the world. Obama should listen to voices in his own country, like the director of WOLA (Washington Office on Latin America), Geoff Thale, who claimed that “this Summit was a reminder, a call to attention, that the traditional way of doing business vis-à-vis the region is eroding away.” This had been the preferred strategy of George W. Bush in the face of the failure of the FTAA.

After Cartagena, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton embarked to Brasília –  where she wasn’t able to have a private meeting with Dilma –  and met with Graça Foster, President of Petrobras. Clinton expressed that the hydrocarbon sector was her principal interest in relations with Brazil, since the United States is seeking to increase their participation in the exploitation of offshore oil.

“I’m delighted to meet with the President of Petrobras to discuss the fabulous future that Brazil has thanks to their oil reserves,” said Clinton while pointing out her “great interest” in establishing a free trade agreement with Brazil.

Perhaps because of that interest Clinton avoided to declare her position on the nationalization of 51% of YPF by the government of Cristina Fernandez, to the distaste of Mariano Rajoy. Here lies an action taken at the intersection of two developments.

The first is the discovery of enormous shale gas reserves in Vaca Muerta (located in the Argentine Patagonia) which amounts to the equivalent of more than 22 billion barrels of oil. This makes Argentina the country with the third highest amount of non-conventional hydrocarbons.

The second is that there will not be a shortage of emerging countries that want to participate in the exploitation of those areas; for example, Petrobras, the Russian oil company Gazprom, and above all, Chinese companies. Third, according to the Financial Times, the second Chinese oil company, Sinopec, was interested in buying Repsol’s YPF share for US$ 15 billion.

But the main sign of real geopolitical shifting is in those who can invest, and, therefore, flex political muscle in the region. China just reported that in the first three months of 2012, their direct foreign investment grew a mind-boggling 94.5% from 2011.

The Asian Giant now has strong oil investments in Brazil, where Sinopec purchased 40% of Repsol in 2012 and 30% of Petrogal in 2012, where there are now $15 billion invested by the Chinese in petroleum. Further, China has countless oil investments in Venezuela which is reorienting its exports from the United States to China.

A Power in Trouble

Nobody really knows the path that the White House is going to take in its relations with Latin America. What was discovered in the Sixth Summit of the Americas is that it no longer exercises a leadership role in the region. Not even its closest allies, like Colombia, share its drug war policy anymore.

And really, President Santos defended the inclusion of Cuba in the Summit of the Americas as much as he advocated for a new discussion about the War on Drugs when he inaugurated the summit.

We should remember that the War on Drugs came to substitute communism as the main enemy to fight. But when this policy has failed, there aren’t any new enemies that justify achieving consensus in the region.

To make matters worse for the US, the overlying perception is that the United States promotes militarization, while the emerging power, Brazil, practices a kind of “very sophisticated” diplomacy, according to Professor Riordan Roett of Johns Hopkins University and author of “The New Brazil.”

In contrast to other emerging countries, “Brazil doesn’t have a single border conflict,” which allows an ascension without much opposition.

In the coming years things can get even worse for the declining power. In the opinion of the European Laboratory for Political Anticipation, a think tank close to François Hollande, his election as president will accelerate the geopolitical transitions that we have seen since 2008.

This analysis holds that the five years of Nikolas Sarkozy’s administration were characterized by “a subordination without recent precedent in the country’s history to the dominant power of the United States.” It goes further: it assures that the only period in which there was a similar abandonment of national sovereignty was during the Vichy Regime when France was controlled by Nazi Germany.

With the triumph of Hollande, two facts will come to pass that will have a serious repercussion on Latin America: France’s adoption of a policy of European independence as a “strategic priority” and its warming up to emerging countries in order to establish a Europe-BRICS alliance.

This alliance is advancing rapidly. Brazil and China have an important agreement of space cooperation. India and Brazil are forming a strategic alliance in their defense industries for the cooperation in the production of combat planes and submarines. France has strategic agreements with India and Brazil to lease technology that both need for their military industries.

Raul Zibechi is an international political analyst from the weekly Brecha de Montevideo, a professor and researcher on grassroots movements at the Multiversidad Franciscana de América Latina, and adviser to many grassroots groups. He writes the monthly “Zibechi Report” for the Americas Program.

“Cuba needs to be a part of the Summit of the Americas simply because it is supposed to be a Summit of the Americas,” added Timerman.

Patriota went on to say that the exclusion of Cuba has just gone on longer than a reasonable length of time.

“It must be recalled that president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva said the same thing at the last summit he attended: “This should be the last summit that Cuba does not attend.” However, Cuba will not be in Colombia, continues to be excluded from Summits of the Americas and we are not happy about it.”

The first summit of the Americas took place in Miami in 1994 with the attendance of the 34 active members from the Organization of American States from which Cuba was suspended in 1962. The suspension was lifted in 2009, but the Cuban government has not initiated the reincorporation process and has said it has no intentions of doing so.

The US government has openly expressed its refusal to accept Cuba at Cartagena de Indias, where the summit is taking place next April, since Havana does not comply with the 2001 democratic principles of the charter approved that year.

Besides the summit and Cuba, Patriota and Timerman also discussed the Malvinas (Falkland) Islands. Argentina recently accused England of sending nuclear weapons to the islands and using them as a military base to control the South Atlantic.

“We – and the region as a whole – reaffirm our firm and unequivocal support for Argentine sovereignty over the islands,” declared Patriota.

 The issue will be discussed at the next meeting of the South Atlantic Peace and Cooperation Zone in Montevideo. At that meeting it is expected that Brazil, Argentina and Uruguay will be joined by African nations in the South Atlantic region. “We are certain that all the countries in the Peace Zone will support Argentina’s position,” declared Timerman.

The two ministers also discussed a visit by Argentine technicians to the rocket launch base of Alcântara, in the state of Maranhão, this week (on March 15), as part of a bilateral effort to reactivate exchange programs between the two nation-neighbors.

ABr

In a joint press availability in Brasí­lia with Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, November 6, Bush thanked Lula for Brazil’s leadership in the Western Hemisphere and around the world, citing the presence of Brazilian peacekeepers in Haiti, as well as Brazil’s efforts to combat drug trafficking and to fight HIV/AIDS.

Bush also expressed admiration for Lula’s economic reforms to encourage growth, job creation and trade expansion.

Trade is vital for continued growth and jobs, and "good trade is trade where people benefit on both sides," he said.  "It must be equitable, it must be fair, and I’m convinced that’s the trade relationship we have on a bilateral basis."

Free Trade Area of the Americas

Bush reaffirmed U.S. support for the proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), but expressed understanding for Brazil’s view that the World Trade Organization’s ongoing talks, also known as the Doha Round, should proceed further before FTAA negotiations resume.

For trade agreements to succeed, Bush said, both Brazilian and U.S. citizens must be convinced that those pacts are in their mutual interest.

In a press briefing en route to Brasí­lia from Buenos Aires, National Security Advisor Stephen Hadley said that the Brazilian President’s comments at the Summit of the Americas "were very supportive of trade; he understands the contribution that good trade made."

However, a senior U.S. official on board the press plane noted that Venezuela and the countries of the Mercosur trading bloc – Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay, and Uruguay – did not agree with pressing forward right away on negotiations for establishing the FTAA.

In a roundtable discussion with young Brazilian leaders in Brasí­lia earlier in the day, Bush praised Brazilian President Lula as a leader with a good heart who has made tough decisions to ensure a strong Brazilian economy.

"I share the same concern he has," Bush said, "a concern of making sure that the least fortunate among us has a chance to survive and succeed."

Spread of Democracy

In response to a question, Bush denied that the United States has a "missionary zeal" to spread democracy.  He said, "I do have a deep desire to help others assume a democracy that conforms to their traditions and their customs.  And the reason why is because the world has seen that democracies do not fight each other."

Bush said that he would be going to Japan in two weeks and "sitting down with one of the best friends that I have in the international arena" – Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi.  Japan has its own style of democracy, Bush added, not one modeled after the U.S. version.

"I am anxious to work with countries to help make sure that the institutions, universal institutions of democracy, become entrenched in society – freedom to worship, freedom of the press, rule of law," Bush said.

Bush expressed the belief that democracies are much better at dealing with social issues such as minority rights.

"I don’t think America, nor Brazil, should ever back down from believing in the universality of freedom and democracy," Bush said.

Diversity and Social Responsibilities

Democracy, diversity and social issues were also themes in Bush’s remarks at the Blue Tree Park Hotel in Brasí­lia later in the day.

"Each democracy has its own character and culture that reflect its unique traditions and history. Yet all free and successful countries share some common characteristics: freedom to worship, freedom of the press, freedom of speech, economic liberty, equal justice under the rule of law, equal citizenship for all – and the limitation of state power through checks and balances," he said.

Bush noted that in many parts of the Western Hemisphere "these institutions of a free society are still young, and they are fragile."

"[W]e must ensure that they are strong for the tasks ahead. To deliver justice, the people must have confidence in their institutions – and we must replace the rule of man with the rule of law," he said.

Free societies must also alleviate poverty, provide educational opportunities and security, and be accountable to their citizens, he said.

"In free societies, citizens will rightly insist that people should not go hungry, that every child deserves the opportunity for a decent education, and that hard work and initiative should be rewarded. And with each new generation that grows up in freedom and democracy, these expectations rise – and the demands for accountability grow.  Either democracies will meet these legitimate demands, or we will yield the future to the enemies of freedom," he said.

Howard Cincotta is a Special Correspondent for Washington File, a service of the US Department of State

The joint statement, issued November 6 on the occasion of Bush’s visit to Brazil, notes that the U.S.-Brazil partnership is "based on common values and objectives" such as the promotion of democracy, economic growth and international security, and the fight against terrorism.

According to the statement, Bush and Lula "reaffirmed their commitment to further strengthen the bilateral relationship" and pledged to work together to support democratic governance, development, trade liberalization, human rights, counternarcotics efforts and technological advancements, as well as "other key shared priorities."

Following is the text of the joint Bush-Lula statement:

Joint Statement on the Occasion of the Visit by President George W. Bush to Brazil

1.  Presidents George W. Bush and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva underscored the increasingly strong and close ties that Brazil and the United States enjoy, based on common values and objectives, including the promotion of democracy, development, economic growth, trade liberalization, international security and combating terrorism.

They recognized the link between development, peace, security, human rights and social justice. They reaffirmed their commitment to further strengthen the bilateral relationship based on these principles and to deepen the two nations’ ongoing strategic dialogue on democracy, development, and other key shared priorities.

2.  The Presidents underscored the priority that both governments attach to reforming the United Nations to make it more effective and attuned to present-day realities. They agreed to work together on issues such as management reform and the creation of a Human Rights Council and a Peacebuilding Commission.

They further committed to coordinate closely on the issue of Security Council reform, which they agreed was an important component of reform. They also reaffirmed their commitment to fighting hunger and poverty, promoting democratic values and fostering economic development and emphasized the importance of implementing the Monterrey Consensus on Financing for Development and the Millennium Development Goals.

3.  They agreed to work together within the Community of Democracies to promote improved governance, regional and trans-regional dialogues, development and poverty alleviation. Brazil and the United States also agreed to make greater efforts to cooperate in the promotion of equal opportunity, democratic values and diversity in the workforce, taking into account the multiethnic and multicultural nature of their societies.

4.  The Presidents also reaffirmed their commitment to working to ensure a positive outcome at the WTO Ministerial Conference, to be held in Hong Kong in December 2005 as well as the successful conclusion of the Doha Round by the end of 2006.

In this context, President Lula welcomed the statement delivered by President Bush in the 2005 U.N. High Level Plenary Meeting, reaffirming that the United States is ready to eliminate all tariffs, subsidies and other barriers to the free flow of goods and services as other nations do the same.

5.  The Presidents noted with satisfaction the growth of bilateral trade and investment between the U.S. and Brazil. They committed themselves to encourage the public and private sectors of their respective countries to increase and diversify the bilateral flows of goods and services. To this end, they expressed their hope to substantially increase trade by 2010.

6.  Reaffirming the WTO Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), they acknowledged that the protection and enforcement of intellectual property rights should contribute to the promotion of technological innovation and to the transfer and dissemination of technology, and to a balance of rights and obligations, to the mutual advantage of producers and users of technological knowledge and in a manner conducive to social and economic welfare. The leaders agreed to promote innovation and technological advancement by providing strong intellectual property protection and effective enforcement of intellectual property rights. The Presidents also reaffirmed the Doha Declaration on Trips and Public Health.

7.  They agreed to strengthen bilateral cooperation to combat the narcotics trade, trafficking in wildlife, terrorism, and money laundering, with an emphasis on information sharing between the two countries’ financial intelligence units and the design of mechanisms to recover assets derived from transnational crimes.

8.  As Co-Chairs of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) process, the Presidents noted the importance of continuing efforts to promote trade liberalization and reaffirmed their commitment to the FTAA process, based on the Miami framework, and look forward to a hemispheric meeting for the timely resumption of the negotiations. They also observed that the efforts towards integration in South America, such as Mercosur and the South American Community of Nations (CASA), are important tools for the promotion of prosperity, stability and democracy in the region. Likewise, they noted that closer ties between South American countries also contribute to the objective of regional integration in Latin America and the Americas as a whole.

9.  The two Presidents stated their intent to work together to address specific challenges facing the Americas and other regions. Presidents Bush and Lula expressed support for working in partnership with Africans to promote peace, democracy and prosperity across the continent of Africa.

10.  With regard to health, they recognized the need to provide greater structure to the bilateral dialogue and expressed the desire to carry out joint activities to combat HIV/AIDS, malaria, and tuberculosis; to develop strategies for the prevention and control of non-communicable diseases; and to address the threat of avian influenza.

11.  The Presidents expressed their commitment to ensure that political stability, democracy, and development take firm root in Haiti. Brazil and the United States closely follow the development of the electoral process in Haiti and express their confidence that a new democratically elected President will take office on February 7, 2006.

12.  The Presidents noted with satisfaction the activities of the working groups on economic growth, agriculture and energy established in June 2003, as well as the Consultative Mechanism on Trade and Investment established in 2001. The Presidents also committed to intensify existing dialogues and cooperation in science and technology, education, the environment, and promotion of trade and investment. They agreed to:

(a) convene the Joint Commission provided for in the 1984 Bilateral Agreement relating to Cooperation in Science and Technology and reinvigorate medium- and long-term activities in areas such as earth, atmospheric, and space sciences, health, biodiversity, and agriculture;

(b) renew the current Memorandum of Understanding, continuing the "Partnership in Education";

(c) elevate current dialogue on the protection of the environment and sustainable management of natural resources; and

(d) establish an informal consultative mechanism between the Ministry of Development, Industry, and Trade and the Department of Commerce.

13.  The Presidents reaffirmed their friendship and their commitment to further strengthening ties between the two nations to foster freedom, democracy, security and prosperity.

And that’s the way it should be. Plus the President and the First Lady gave us an unbelievably good barbecue. (Laughter.) I also commend the President for his commitment to improving the lives of the people here in Brazil.

Our two nations share many things in common. We are both children of the New World, founded in empire and fulfilled in independence. We’re united by history and geography. We share the conviction that the future of our hemisphere must be a future of justice and freedom.

Only a generation ago, this was a continent plagued by military dictatorship and civil war. Yet the people of this continent defied the dictators, and they claimed their liberty. We saw the dramatic evidence at the Summit of the Americas that President Lula and I just attended. The delegates from 34 countries that came to this conference all represent democratic governments.

Freedom is the gift of the Almighty to every man and woman in this world – and today this vision is the free consensus of a free Americas. It is a vision that is written into the founding document of the Organization of American States, which calls this hemisphere – calls on the hemisphere "to offer to man a land of liberty, and a favorable environment for the … realization of his just aspirations."

It is the vision that is given clear direction in the Inter-American Democratic Charter, which declares "the peoples of the Americas have a right to democracy and their governments have an obligation to promote and defend it." And it is a vision that puts what was once a distant dream within our reach: an Americas wholly free and democratic and at peace with ourselves and our neighbors.

As the largest democracy in South America, Brazil is a leader – and today Brazil is exercising its leadership across the globe. In Africa, Brazil is working to defeat the scourge of HIV/AIDS – by partnering with America to improve treatment and care and prevention in Portuguese-speaking nations like Mozambique.

In this hemisphere, Brazil leads the coalition of the United Nations peacekeeping forces who are helping to restore peace and stability in Haiti. And here at home, Brazil aspires to set an example for the continent by building a just social order where the blessings of liberty are enjoyed by every citizen of this great nation.

Ensuring social justice for the Americas requires choosing between two competing visions. One offers a vision of hope – it is founded on representative government, integration into the world community, and a faith in the transformative power of freedom in individual lives.

The other seeks to roll back the democratic progress of the past two decades by playing to fear, pitting neighbor against neighbor – and blaming others for their own failures to provide for their people. The choices we make will determine which vision will define the Americas our children inherit -and we must make tough decisions today to ensure a better tomorrow.

As you work for a better tomorrow, Brazil must know you have a strong partner in the United States. Like you, we aspire for a hemisphere where the dignity of every human being is respected. Like you, we believe that the poor and disenfranchised have a special claim on our attention.

And like you, we know that we must make good on the promises of democracy. In the Americas of the 21st century, freedom is the gateway to social justice – and democracies old and new must work together to build a hemisphere that delivers hope and opportunity for every citizen.

Our common ideal of social justice begins with self-government. The promise of democracy starts with national pride, and independence, and elections. But it does not end there. A country that divides into factions and dwells on old grievances cannot move forward, and risks sliding back into tyranny.

A country that unites all its people behind common ideals will multiply in strength and confidence. The successful democracies of the 21st century will not be defined by blood and soil. Successful democracies will be defined by a broader ideal of citizenship – based on shared principles, and shared responsibilities, and respect for all.

For my own country, the process of becoming a mature, multi-ethnic democracy was lengthy. My country’s journey from national independence to equal justice for all meant overcoming the enslavement of millions, and a four-year civil war. Even after slavery ended, a century passed before the guarantee of equal rights under the law was finally made real.

Racial division almost destroyed my country – and the citizens of the United States learned the false doctrine of "separate but equal" was no basis for a strong and unified America. The only way my country found to rise above the injustices of our history was to reject segregation, to move beyond mere tolerance, and to affirm the brotherhood of all people in our land.

Each democracy has its own character and culture that reflect its unique traditions and history. Yet all free and successful countries share some common characteristics: freedom to worship, freedom of the press, freedom of speech, economic liberty, equal justice under the rule of law, equal citizenship for all – and the limitation of state power through checks and balances.

In many parts of our hemisphere, these institutions of a free society are still young, and they are fragile – and we must ensure that they are strong for the tasks ahead. To deliver justice, the people must have confidence in their institutions – and we must replace the rule of man with the rule of law.

Some today suggest that democracy has outlived its usefulness. They have misread history. The Americas has declared democracy "indispensable" for the exercise of human rights. It is the only region in the world that imposes an obligation to defend democracy. For all the growing pains, it is a miracle of history that this young century finds us speaking about the consolidation of freedom throughout our hemisphere.

We must continue our work to help strengthen the institutions of liberty – because we know that freedom is the only way to ensure that our citizens can lead lives of purpose and dignity. And without democracy there can be no social justice – because only democracy offers a place at the table for every member of society.

Our common ideal of social justice must include a better life for all our citizens. As elections and democracies have spread across our hemisphere, we see a revolution in expectations. In free societies, citizens will rightly insist that people should not go hungry, that every child deserves the opportunity for a decent education, and that hard work and initiative should be rewarded.

And with each new generation that grows up in freedom and democracy, these expectations rise – and the demands for accountability grow. Either democracies will meet these legitimate demands, or we will yield the future to the enemies of freedom.

The nations of this hemisphere have a moral obligation to help others. They have a moral education to educate their children, and to provide decent health care. We have a moral duty to make sure our actions are effective.

At Monterrey in 2002, the world agreed to a new vision for the way we fight poverty, and curb corruption, and provide aid in this new millennium. Developing countries agreed to take responsibility for their own economic progress through good governance and sound practices and the rule of law – and developed countries agreed to support these efforts.

My country has sought to implement the Monterrey consensus by changing the way we deliver aid. We have established a new Millennium Challenge Account that increases aid for nations that govern justly, that invest in the education and health of their people, and promote economic freedom. Recently we signed compacts to delivering aid – Millennium Challenge aid to Honduras and Nicaragua.

This new aid will help those countries improve their roads, and diversify their crops, and strengthen property rights, and make their rural businesses more competitive. And in the years ahead, under the leadership of Ambassador Danilovich we hope more countries will follow their example.

My country has also stepped up to meet the humanitarian challenges facing our region and the world by providing millions of dollars bilaterally, especially for education of the children. We understand that you cannot achieve economic prosperity and social justice without educating the children of a country.

We also support the Global Fund for HIV/AIDS, to provide care and prevention and support for those suffering from the pandemic. At the 2004 Special Summit in Mexico, the leaders of our hemisphere, including President Lula and me, made a commitment to provide life-saving treatment for at least 600,000 individuals by the next Summit of the Americas.

We worked together. We have shown our words are not empty promises. We have helped deliver treatment to more than 670,000 people in this hemisphere – which surpasses our goal of helping those with HIV/AIDS. And there is more work to be done.

As we expand and improve aid, we are also working to improve the Inter-American Development Bank. Since it was established, this bank has played a major role in the economic development of Latin America and the Caribbean. But as the economies of the Americas further develop, the bank has to change with them.

The beginning of President Moreno’s tenure gives us a great opportunity to modernize the bank by taking better advantage of global capital markets – and by tailoring the bank’s programs to the real needs of the growing economies on this continent.

The private sector is the engine of growth and job creation in this region. The bank must greatly strengthen its role in private sector investment – especially in small businesses, which are the backbone of a healthy and growing economy.

I have asked the United States Treasury Secretary John Snow to work with his counterparts in the hemisphere and at the bank to implement reforms that will ensure that the bank better addresses the needs for economic growth and job creation. They will also discuss a range of options, including giving grants and debt relief for the poorest of nations.

Increasing aid and relieving debt are important parts of our efforts to lift the burden of poverty from places of suffering – yet they are not enough. Our goal is to promote opportunity for people throughout the Americas, whether you live in Minnesota or Brazil. And the best way to do this is by expanding free and fair trade.

The United States, Mexico, and Canada took a first step with what’s called NAFTA. And trade between our countries has tripled in 10-year period. Our hemisphere has sought to build on this example by committing ourselves to the Free Trade of the Americas that would eliminate barriers across the entire hemisphere – and I appreciate President Lula’s discussion with me today about working to see if we can’t make that become a reality.

The United States has also made substantial advances toward the goal of hemispheric free trade through bilateral trade agreements with partners such as Chile. And three months ago, we passed through our Congress a trade agreement with the nations of Central America and the Dominican Republic that gives the people of that region jobs and opportunities that come from freer trade and more investment.

And at this moment, we’re working hard to advance negotiations with the Andean countries and Panama. By working for free, and I repeat, fair trade across this hemisphere, we will bring all our people into the expanding circle of development – we’ll make it easier for those of us who live in this hemisphere to compete with countries like China and India – but most importantly, trade means jobs for people.

The best opportunity to deliver the blessings of trade to every citizen in this hemisphere is the Doha Round of negotiations in the World Trade Organization. A successful Doha Round will open up markets for farm products, and services, and industrial goods across this hemisphere and across the globe.

Under Doha, every nation will gain – and the developing world stands to gain the most. The World Bank estimates that if the Doha Round passes, 300 million people will be lifted from poverty. We know that from history that developing nations that open themselves up to trade grow at several times the rate of countries that practice protectionism.

And the stakes are high, they’re really high. The lives and futures of millions of poor people across the globe hang in the balance – so we must bring the Doha trade talks to a successful conclusion.

The greatest obstacles to a successful Doha Round are the countries that stand firm in the way of dismantling the tariffs, and barriers, and trade-distorting subsidies that isolate the poor on this continent from the great opportunities of the 21st century. Only an ambitious reform agenda in agriculture, and manufactured goods, and services can ensure that the benefits of free and fair trade are enjoyed by all people in all countries.

We agree with Brazil that the agricultural negotiations will unlock the full potential of the Doha Round. Your President has criticized the agricultural subsidies that the developed world pays to its farmers – trade-distorting subsidies that undercut honest farmers in the developing world. I agree with President Lula. And the United States is leading the way to address this problem.

My administration has offered a bold proposal for Doha that would substantially reduce agricultural tariffs and trade-distorting subsidies in a first stage – and over a period of fifteen years, eliminate them altogether.

Leaders who are concerned about the harmful effects of high tariffs and farm subsidies must move the Doha Round forward. And leaders who want to make progress on agricultural subsidies must use their influence to help the WTO make progress on all aspects of the Doha Round. By completing Doha, we will help build an Americas that lives in liberty, trades in freedom, and grows in prosperity.

Finally, our common ideal of social justice requires safety and security for all our citizens. In many parts of this hemisphere, drug lords, and terrorists, and criminal gangs corrupt democratic societies. When these groups are more powerful than the state, there can be no social justice. So the United States is working with affected countries to restore the rule of law and ensure the safety of ordinary citizens.

We are working with the government of Mexico to stop the smugglers who traffic in everything from guns to human beings. We are helping President Uribe and the Colombian people defeat the cocaine cartels and narco-terrorists. We’re providing money to help honest farmers grow legitimate crops.

We’re working with our partners in this region to stop terrorist organizations from using this hemisphere as a base to launder money and to provide support for their operations across the globe.

By protecting the people of the Americas from those who operate outside the law, we strengthen democracy, we promote social justice, and we make prosperity more likely. Citizens who live in fear for their lives because of drug lords, and terrorists, and criminal gangs are not free citizens.

So we must continue to work for the day that all citizens can count on their governments to protect them from criminals – and advance the peace and stability that can only come from freedom.

In the last half-century, the nations of the Americas have overcome enormous challenges: colonialism, and communism, and military dictatorship. The progress we have achieved is the result of tremendous sacrifice and leadership. One such leader was the man who built this beautiful capital as the symbol of Brazilian democracy.

President Kubitschek was forced into exile when antidemocratic forces seized control in Brazil. His dream, he said, was to live and die in a free country. At the start of this hopeful new century, the dream of this proud patriot inspires citizens not only in this country, but all around the continent.

The citizens of the Americas look to us, the elected leaders, to make his dream a reality – and to lead by example. Governments across this hemisphere must be strong, must listen to the people, and must not squander their money.

Governments across this hemisphere must be free of corruption. Governments across this hemisphere must be accountable – and we must live by the same standard we set for others.

By making the blessings of freedom real in our hemisphere, we will advance the cause of social justice and set a shining example for the rest of the world.

Thank you for allowing me to come and address you. May God bless Brazil. May God continue to bless our nation, America. Thank you. (Applause.)

The above were Remarks by US President, George W. Bush, at the Blue Tree Park Hotel in Brasí­lia, capital of Brazil

The two presidents made statements to reporters after meeting in the Brazilian capital, Brasí­lia Sunday. The presidents said they were encouraged by U.S. – Brazilian trade relations, which President Bush said he is convinced are equitable and fair.

Before the meeting, Mr. Bush told a gathering of young Brazilian leaders the United States is a friend of Brazil and that Washington wants Latin America to be prosperous.

The president arrived in Brasí­lia Saturday after attending the Summit of the Americas in Argentina, where delegates failed to reach consensus on creating a regional free-trade zone.

Brazil was one of five countries that said it is not willing to continue talks on a U.S. free-trade plan for the Western Hemisphere.

No Deal

The 34-nation Summit of the Americas has concluded in Mar del Plata, Argentina without accord on a topic that came to dominate the gathering: trade within the region. Intense negotiations continued hours after the scheduled close of the two-day event, with President Bush leaving the gathering ahead of virtually all other leaders.

In the end, they agreed to disagree on a proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) that would allow goods to transit tariff-free from Alaska to Tierra del Fuego.

As the last summit participants were preparing to leave Mar del Plata, Argentine Foreign Minister Rafael Bielsa told reporters a final document was crafted to reflect divergent points of view between two major groups of nations.

He said, "With respect to the FTAA, there were a group of countries that find no obstacle in continuing negotiations within the FTAA as it exists right now. In another paragraph, Argentina, Uruguay, Brazil, Paraguay and Venezuela find that conditions do not exist to negotiate the FTAA as proposed."

With the exception of Venezuela, the dissenting nations constitute a regional trade bloc known as Mercosur. Mr. Bielsa noted that Mercosur nations believe they have a competitive advantage in producing agricultural goods, and that they do not believe the FTAA will go far enough to address sizable agricultural subsidies that exist for farmers in nations like the United States.

As a result, he said, Mercosur nations prefer to await the results of the next World Trade Organization meeting next month in Hong Kong, where they expect the topic of agricultural subsidies by wealthy nations to be addressed.

The FTAA has the backing of 29 other summit participants, including the United States. The Bush administration, which argues the FTAA would boost prosperity and reduce poverty throughout the hemisphere, had hoped the summit would serve to revive the initiative, which was originally proposed some ten years ago and which its first architects had envisioned would already be in place by this year.

But if the Summit of the Americas dashed hopes of advancing the FTAA, it also appears to have foiled the ambitions of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, who, as the gathering was getting underway Friday, boasted that it would be "the tomb" of the hemisphere-wide trade proposal.

Argentine Foreign Minister Bielsa suggested nothing could be further from the truth. He said, "This is not the end of the FTAA. The FTAA is a side note to a summit that was dealt with something else. It dealt with [creating] decent jobs, reducing poverty and democratic governance."

There was no final public appearance by the leaders, and President Bush did not speak with reporters before leaving for Brazil, the second stop on a three-nation trip that will also take the U.S. leader to Panama. But administration officials are expressing quiet satisfaction with the summit’s outcome, saying important topics were discussed and some progress achieved.

The two-day gathering of hemispheric leaders attracted tens of thousands of leftist activists to Mar del Plata from Argentina and beyond. Friday, they marched to protest the presence of President Bush and gave a hero’s welcome to President Chavez. Anti-Bush protests descended into violence later in the day, with several dozen local businesses ransacked and looted.

VoA

U.S. President George W. Bush and U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice left Argentina on Air Force One as the negotiations that were scheduled to end before lunch went into the late afternoon.

American Thomas Shannon, assistant secretary of state for Western Hemisphere affairs, was left in charge of negotiations for the United States. Negotiators canceled lunch and delayed a summit closing ceremony, as well as a press conference to announce the summit’s final declaration.

The top negotiator said countries would be allowed to opt out of a controversial clause on whether to schedule talks next year on creating a Free Trade Area of the Americas.

The official declined to give his name because the declaration had not yet been finalized. Mexico, the United States and 27 other nations wanted to set an April deadline for talks, but that was opposed by Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay and Venezuela.

The United States says the trade zone would open up new markets for Americans while bringing wealth and jobs to Latin America, but Venezuelan leader Hugo Chavez came to the summit in this seaside resort vowing to "bury FTAA."

The last minute haggling at the summit of 34 Latin American and Caribbean nations came after Brazil – a key regional player with Latin America’s largest economy – hedged at setting a firm date because it wants to focus for now on ongoing World Trade Organization talks aimed at cutting tariffs around the world and boosting the planet’s economy.

Calm After Storm

Mar del Plata was calm Saturday after protesters opposed to the presence of U.S. President George W. Bush and the FTAA clashed in street battles with riot police, burning and ransacking businesses just 10 blocks from the theater where the leaders opened the summit.

Protests have become commonplace at summits, especially those dealing with free trade and U.S. policies. But Friday’s violence was on a much smaller scale than massive clashes in 2001 during the Americas Summit in Canada, when police detained 400 people and scores were injured.

Chavez is easily the most vocal critic of the FTAA, declaring the deal dead at a peaceful rally Friday for more than 20,000 protesters.

On Saturday, November 5, Mexican President Vicente Fox expressed irritation with his Venezuelan counterpart, saying: "This is a personal position of the Venezuelan President." The Mexican President also denied allegations by Chavez that Washington is trying to strong-arm the region into a free trade agreement.

The summit declaration was also expected to address key issues for Latin America – including job creation, immigration and disaster relief for an area that is often devastated by hurricanes and earthquakes.

But the battle over the future of the FTAA dominated the summit, with Chavez saying an anti-FTAA should be formed just for Latin America and the Caribbean based on socialist ideals. Fox argued that the 29 countries that want to forge ahead should form the trade zone on their own – even though that would leave out Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay and Venezuela and dash hopes of creating a bloc that would eclipse the European Union.

Though there were no immediate signs that protests would re-ignite on Saturday, security remained tight at the summit site, where a huge downtown section of Mar del Plata remained closed by metal barriers and police and soldiers toting semiautomatic weapons. Leftist activists also protested Friday in Uruguay, Venezuela and Brazil – where Bush heads for a much-anticipated visit with Lula after the summit ends.

The violence was front-page news Saturday across Latin America, with dramatic photos of young masked rioters smashing the glass storefronts of at least 30 businesses in Mar del Plata, setting a bank ablaze and battling riot police with slingshots and sharpened sticks.

Sixty four people were arrested, but police reported no deaths or major injuries. Bush left Argentina late Saturday and flied to Brasí­lia to stay the night and be Lula’s guest at a barbecue Sunday, before heading to Panama.

The American President’s visit is aimed at strengthening relations with Lula, who was distrusted by Washington after becoming the first elected leftist leader of Latin America’s largest country in 2003. But Silva – a former shoeshine boy, grade-school dropout, lathe operator and radical union leader – abandoned his leftist rhetoric and has stabilized Brazil’s economy.

Protesters who participated all week in a peaceful "People’s Summit" demonstration in a sports complex a mile from the oceanfront hotel where the leaders stayed were gone Saturday, after leaving Mar del Plata in caravans of buses and minivans.

As children skateboarded in a shady park, workers dismantled a tent that hosted a delegation from Cuba, whose communist regime was not allowed to participate in the Americas Summit.

Argentine security guard Sebastian Lopez, 30, hoped the leaders would denounce the violent protests because they unfairly overshadowed both events.

This article appeared originally in Pravda – www.pravda.ru.

The anti Bush and anti FTAA riots followed a meeting in the Mar del Plata stadium where an estimated 40,000 people gathered to hear Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez blast "imperialism" and "Washington’s hegemony" next to other renowned world figures as former football star Diego Maradona.

But in the Hermitage Hotel a clear continental split was evident with Mercosur members and Venezuela rejecting the idea of re-launching the stalled US promoted FTAA negotiations, and an estimated 30 other countries led by Mexico fully supporting the proposal.

Mexican president Vicente Fox went further and called on Argentina as the host country, demanding an extraordinary effort to reach an agreement on the Summit’s final declaration regarding FTAA.

"The host country must make an extraordinary effort so we can reach an agreement and Argentina must conduct the debate in a manner that is productive", underlined Mr. Fox, adding that if Mercosur (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay) insist in not advancing towards a FTAA, then the rest of the countries must do so.

"We are almost thirty countries that agree on this line and three or four who disagree. He who feels it will benefit him jump in, and those who don’t stay out. Whoever blocks an agreement such as FTAA certainly is looking through the eyes of its own interests and not the interests of the others."

Mr. Fox emphasized that "trade and investment are the way out for the region’s economies; we must build an appropriate FTAA and tailored for the poorer members, for the less developed countries."

In the Mar del Plata stadium Venezuelan presidents called on his fellow leaders to "keep away from Mr. Bush because he’s bad luck", and Maradona referred to the US President as a "murderer" and "human trash".

This article appeared originally in Mercopress – www.mercopress.com.

However, the FTAA, or ALCA as it is known by its initials in Spanish, has been openly criticized by leaders from countries as Argentina, Brazil and Venezuela, who will meet Bush in the Summit, as well as by unions, social and political organizations from all over the region.

As such, President Bush and 33 other Western Hemisphere leaders will begin summit deliberations on Friday at this seaside resort amid massive security preparations that underscore Bush’s unpopularity across Latin America.

There, Bush’s collaborators are facing the tough opposition of their Latin American counterparts to include the FTAA in the final declaration, which presidents are expected to sign on Saturday afternoon.

"I strongly believe that we have a great opportunity to deal with job creation or poverty by putting a system in place that encourages economic growth and entrepreneurship," Bush said in an interview with reporters from the region before his departure. He arrived in Argentina with his wife, Laura.

The streets outside the five-star hotel where the leaders will meet are likely to be active during the two-day summit. Argentine authorities are bracing for an estimated 50,000 visitors, some of whom are coming for a Peoples Summit at a soccer stadium not far from the summit site.

Many will be drawn there by former Argentine soccer star turned TV personality Diego Maradona. He was planning to make the 250-mile trip from Buenos Aires to Mar del Plata, a city of 600,000, accompanied by a trainload of summit protesters.

The train arrived in Mar del Plata on Friday morning carrying 150 personalities aiming to protest Bush, including, apart from Maradona, celebrities as the Yugoslavian filmmaker Emir Kusturica, social leaders as the Argentine Peace Nobel Prize, Adolfo Perez Esquivel, and politicians as the Bolivian front-runner in that country’s presidential election next month, Evo Morales.

Many protesters are coming to demand an end to free trade and globalization, reprising a theme that has inspired mass demonstrations at international summits and other high-profile events around the world since 1999. But the level of anger over the war in Iraq could add energy and passion to the protests.
 
"Iraq pollutes everything," said Manuel Mora y Araujo, a prominent Argentine pollster. "It produces an image of arrogance."

Once in Mar del Plata, protesters are expected to be joined at a demonstration in Mar del Plata by families of soldiers killed in Iraq. There, all of them will attend to a concert where the Cuban singer Silvio Rodriguez will anticipate the vivid anti-Bush rhetoric of the Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, who will attend to both the Summit and the anti-Summit of the Americas.
 
This article appeared originally in Pravda – www.pravda.ru.

More than 500 representatives of social, political, and cultural organizations are attending speeches, debates, and workshops espousing equality and a better distribution of wealth, as well as opposing the creation of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA).

Activists from the MST (Landless Movement) are among Brazilian groups who are in Argentina taking part in the protests. They have a stand and have been distributing literature in Spanish about the ill effects of neoliberalism, the FTAA and President Bush.

The Peoples’ Summit is not part of the official agenda of the Summit of the Americas. According to its organizers, it represents a moment for the creation of what they refer to as a "continental mobilization." The chief purpose of the gathering is to protest the presence of US president, George W. Bush.

Under the banner "Another America is possible," the participants of the Peoples’ Summit intend for their grievances to be heard by the representatives of the 34 countries that will be attending the official summit, which is an event sponsored by the Organization of America States (OAS).

The beach resort of Mar del Plata, 400 kilometers away from the Argentinean capital, Buenos Aires, is under heavy police security for the 4th Summit of the Americas.. Approximately 9 thousand police are there to ensure the security of the heads of States who will be attending the meeting, as well as that of residents and visitors.

The 4th Summit of the Americas will run from Thursday (3) to Sunday (6). The main theme is job creation to deal with poverty and strengthen democratic governability.

The previous summits were held in the United States (1994), Chile (1998), and Canada (2001). At the conclusion of the Mar del Plata encounter, a declaration will be drafted containing proposals presented by the participating countries.

Agência Brasil