Brazil’s Universal Health Care Is Rather an Aspiration than a Reality

With an historical framework dating back over the past several decades and predominantly universalized, the Brazilian healthcare system remains comprehensive yet aspirational in its goals for the administration and implementation of policy for the nation’s greater populace.

The history of Brazil’s healthcare system is relatively recent. Although the structure and formation can be traced back to the early 1950’s (the founding of National Ministry of Health in 1953), 1960’s and 70’s (with healthcare reforms under the dictatorship), the fundamental format of healthcare was formally developed with the Movimento Sanitário initiative during the 1980s, and promulgated under the 1988 Constitution.

The Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS) remains the backbone of the Brazilian system. With a universal public system guaranteeing citizens’ rights to basic healthcare, a SUS identification card provides Brazilians with medical access and benefits.

Administered by National Supplemental Health Agency (ANS) and the National Health Surveillance Agency (ANVISA) and under the supervision of the Ministry of Health, SUS’s significance cannot be overstressed, defining both national structure and policy since its inception, and for well over three decades.

While municipal governments generally assume responsibility for SUS’s administration particularly with the Family Health Program, at the local level the Unidades Básicas de Saúde (UBS) have proved to be instrumental in SUS’s functioning.

Although it spends comparatively less on healthcare than its neighbors, by and large, Brazil remains the largest healthcare market in Latin America. Statistics compiled by the trade.gov country commercial guide in January of 2022 reveal 9.1% of GDP spent on healthcare, with approximately 6,642 hospitals (of which 63% are private), 502,000 physicians, and 89,000 drug stores.

Accordingly, SUS provides health services to 70% of the domestic population, and private health insurance is voluntary, with about 25% of the populace (more than 50 million) subscribing to private insurance, second only to the United States. Doctors’ fees, hospitalizations, and prescription drugs are all covered under the SUS system.

Certainly, the COVID pandemic has provided the most recent and greatest challenge to the Brazilian healthcare system over the past several years. While there has been debate over the effectiveness of the Bolsonaro government’s attention and administration, by and large, COVID policy was a success.

By January 2022, Brazil had vaccinated 70% of its population, and has continued its attempts to treat diseases such as dengue, malaria, and zika, which have lingered much longer in the country.

And there have been some admirable PHC (Primary Healthcare) initiatives over the years, particularly under Rousseff with the Mais Médicos Program of 2013, when more than 18,000 Cuban doctors were sent to rural Brazil to administer to the indigenous and indigent. The Mais Médicos Program highlights the challenge of attracting doctors, nurses and community health workers to quilombos, and poor and remote areas of the country.

Although the 30 years since the creation of SUS has witnessed marked gains in the administration of healthcare, particularly with life expectancy increasing from 70.2 in 2000 to 75.9 years in 2019, a myriad of fundamental challenges remain.

Despite an admirable presence of staff and ambulances, no number for emergency calls exists, and emergency care remains ad hoc, with the Brazilian Emergency Medical Service (SAMU) undertrained to deal with violence and road accidents.

Most significantly, Brazilian healthcare is marked by regional disparity, particularly in the poorer northeast which has high maternal mortality rates. With long waiting times, patients often do not pay their bills, and SUS funding has been insufficient.

The deficit in private-public sector healthcare coordination, shortages of medicines, and poor working conditions for health professionals are also problems, and foreigners visiting Brazil do not always find English-speaking doctors.

Furthermore, few Brazilians register with primary care physicians, hospital bed occupancy is low, access to medications is often limited, and the collection of health data is often scant. Here, what is at stake is healthcare’s basic systemic resilience, reacting to defining national economic and political factors which determine austerity policies and the fate of the aging Brazilian populace.

For Brazilian healthcare, then, a number of fundamental goals remain. A 2021 OECD Review of Health Systems highlights the need for increasing public funding for SUS, reconfiguring small hospital administration into intermediate care facilities, improving access to medications, transitioning to formal long-term care delivery, and strengthening the health care data infrastructure and information system. Brazil must also tackle problems of obesity and alcohol consumption, which have contributed to a high rate of premature deaths in the recent past.

For the soon to be inaugurated Lula administration, technological leverage and telemedicine, private insurance consolidation, and entrepreneurial pluck may very well be the solutions to healthcare implementation.

It will certainly take money. With the challenge of the pandemic, telemedicine has taken off, and will likely define the future of access to care for much of the population, for consultation, diagnostics and treatment.

The PT has generally been supportive of initiatives in social spending and poverty alleviation, and healthcare will remain a priority for the reelected president, but again, the main challenge will be the ability to fund SUS.

Lula could very well perpetuate the comprehensive 2020 Programa Médicos pelo Brasil, but ultimately economic and social disparity will continue to characterize the country’s disposition, reflective of an essential cleavage between richer private and poorer public access. While the possibility for gains in healthcare remains for Brazilians, the new president certainly has his work cut out for him.

Peter Sufrin holds a Master’s Degree in History from Boston University, a Master’s Degree in Diplomacy and International Relations from Seton Hall University, and a Master’s Degree in Portuguese from the University of Massachusetts/Dartmouth. He is an Associate Member of the Inter-American Dialogue in Washington, D.C. and contributes regularly to the Dialogue’s Latin America Advisor, the Brazilian Report, American Diplomacy, The Georgetown Journal of International Affairs, and to Brazzil.

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It seems the future never arrives in Brazil What Lies Ahead in Brazil? Brazil Has No Exemplary Past or Present. But What Lies Ahead for the Country? Europeans, US, developed country, developing country. Bolsonaro, future B. Michael Rubin For years, experts have debated what separates a developing country from a developed one. The GDP (Gross Domestic Product) of a country is one simple way to measure its economic development. Another way to measure a country's progress is the extent of public education, e.g. how many citizens complete high school. A country's health may be measured by the effectiveness of its healthcare system, for example, life expectancy and infant mortality. With these measurement tools, it's easier to gauge the difference between a country like Brazil and one like the U.S. What's not easy to gauge is how these two countries developed so differently when they were both "discovered" at the same time. In 1492 and 1500 respectively, the U.S. and Brazil fell under the spell of white Europeans for the first time. While the British and Portuguese had the same modus operandi, namely, to exploit their discoveries for whatever they had to offer, not to mention extinguishing the native Americans already living there if they got in the way, the end result turned out significantly different in the U.S. than in Brazil. There are several theories on how/why the U.S. developed at a faster pace than Brazil. The theories originate via contrasting perspectives – from psychology to economics to geography. One of the most popular theories suggests the divergence between the two countries is linked to politics, i.e. the U.S. established a democratic government in 1776, while Brazil's democracy it could be said began only in earnest in the 1980s. This theory states that the Portuguese monarchy, as well as the 19th and 20th century oligarchies that followed it, had no motivation to invest in industrial development or education of the masses. Rather, Brazil was prized for its cheap and plentiful labor to mine the rich soil of its vast land. There is another theory based on collective psychology that says the first U.S. colonizers from England were workaholic Puritans, who avoided dancing and music in place of work and religious devotion. They labored six days a week then spent all of Sunday in church. Meanwhile, the white settlers in Brazil were unambitious criminals who had been freed from prison in Portugal in exchange for settling in Brazil. The Marxist interpretation of why Brazil lags behind the U.S. was best summarized by Eduardo Galeano, the Uruguayan writer, in 1970. Galeano said five hundred years ago the U.S. had the good fortune of bad fortune. What he meant was the natural riches of Brazil – gold, silver, and diamonds – made it ripe for exploitation by western Europe. Whereas in the U.S., lacking such riches, the thirteen colonies were economically insignificant to the British. Instead, U.S. industrialization had official encouragement from England, resulting in early diversification of its exports and rapid development of manufacturing. II Leaving this debate to the historians, let us turn our focus to the future. According to global projections by several economic strategists, what lies ahead for Brazil, the U.S., and the rest of the world is startling. Projections forecast that based on GDP growth, in 2050 the world's largest economy will be China, not the U.S. In third place will be India, and in fourth – Brazil. With the ascendency of three-fourths of the BRIC countries over the next decades, it will be important to reevaluate the terms developed and developing. In thirty years, it may no longer be necessary to accept the label characterized by Nelson Rodrigues's famous phrase "complexo de vira-lata," for Brazil's national inferiority complex. For Brazilians, this future scenario presents glistening hope. A country with stronger economic power would mean the government has greater wealth to expend on infrastructure, crime control, education, healthcare, etc. What many Brazilians are not cognizant of are the pitfalls of economic prosperity. While Brazilians today may be envious of their wealthier northern neighbors, there are some aspects of a developed country's profile that are not worth envying. For example, the U.S. today far exceeds Brazil in the number of suicides, prescription drug overdoses, and mass shootings. GDP growth and economic projections depend on multiple variables, chief among them the global economic situation and worldwide political stability. A war in the Middle East, for example, can affect oil production and have global ramifications. Political stability within a country is also essential to its economic health. Elected presidents play a crucial role in a country's progress, especially as presidents may differ radically in their worldview. The political paths of the U.S. and Brazil are parallel today. In both countries, we've seen a left-wing regime (Obama/PT) followed by a far-right populist one (Trump/Bolsonaro), surprising many outside observers, and in the U.S. contradicting every political pollster, all of whom predicted a Trump loss to Hillary Clinton in 2016. In Brazil, although Bolsonaro was elected by a clear majority, his triumph has created a powerful emotional polarization in the country similar to what is happening in the U.S. Families, friends, and colleagues have split in a love/hate relationship toward the current presidents in the U.S. and Brazil, leaving broken friendships and family ties. Both presidents face enormous challenges to keep their campaign promises. In Brazil, a sluggish economy just recovering from a recession shows no signs of robust GDP growth for at least the next two years. High unemployment continues to devastate the consumer confidence index in Brazil, and Bolsonaro is suffering under his campaign boasts that his Economy Minister, Paulo Guedes, has all the answers to fix Brazil's slump. Additionally, there is no end to the destruction caused by corruption in Brazil. Some experts believe corruption to be the main reason why Brazil has one of the world's largest wealth inequality gaps. Political corruption robs government coffers of desperately needed funds for education and infrastructure, in addition to creating an atmosphere that encourages everyday citizens to underreport income and engage in the shadow economy, thereby sidestepping tax collectors and regulators. "Why should I be honest about reporting my income when nobody else is? The politicians are only going to steal the tax money anyway," one Brazilian doctor told me. While Bolsonaro has promised a housecleaning of corrupt officials, this is a cry Brazilians have heard from every previous administration. In only the first half-year of his presidency, he has made several missteps, such as nominating one of his sons to be the new ambassador to the U.S., despite the congressman's lack of diplomatic credentials. A June poll found that 51 percent of Brazilians now lack confidence in Bolsonaro's leadership. Just this week, Brazil issued regulations that open a fast-track to deport foreigners who are dangerous or have violated the constitution. The rules published on July 26 by Justice Minister Sérgio Moro define a dangerous person as anyone associated with terrorism or organized crime, in addition to football fans with a violent history. Journalists noted that this new regulation had coincidental timing for an American journalist who has come under fire from Moro for publishing private communications of Moro's. Nevertheless, despite overselling his leadership skills, Bolsonaro has made some economic progress. With the help of congressional leader Rodrigo Maia, a bill is moving forward in congress for the restructuring of Brazil's generous pension system. Most Brazilians recognize the long-term value of such a change, which can save the government billions of dollars over the next decade. At merely the possibility of pension reform, outside investors have responded positively, and the São Paulo stock exchange has performed brilliantly, reaching an all-time high earlier this month. In efforts to boost the economy, Bolsonaro and Paulo Guedes have taken the short-term approach advocated by the Chicago school of economics championed by Milton Friedman, who claimed the key to boosting a slugging economy was to cut government spending. Unfortunately many economists, such as Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman, disagree with this approach. They believe the most effective way to revive a slow economy is exactly the opposite, to spend more money not less. They say the government should be investing money in education and infrastructure projects, which can help put people back to work. Bolsonaro/Guedes have also talked about reducing business bureaucracy and revising the absurdly complex Brazilian tax system, which inhibits foreign and domestic business investment. It remains to be seen whether Bolsonaro has the political acumen to tackle this Godzilla-sized issue. Should Bolsonaro find a way to reform the tax system, the pension system, and curb the most egregious villains of political bribery and kickbacks – a tall order – his efforts could indeed show strong economic results in time for the next election in 2022. Meanwhile, some prominent leaders have already lost faith in Bolsonaro's efforts. The veteran of political/economic affairs, Joaquim Levy, has parted company with the president after being appointed head of the government's powerful development bank, BNDES. Levy and Bolsonaro butted heads over an appointment Levy made of a former employee of Lula's. When neither man refused to back down, Levy resigned his position at BNDES. Many observers believe Bolsonaro's biggest misstep has been his short-term approach to fixing the economy by loosening the laws protecting the Amazon rainforest. He and Guedes believe that by opening up more of the Amazon to logging, mining, and farming, we will see immediate economic stimulation. On July 28, the lead article of The New York Times detailed the vastly increased deforestation in the Amazon taking place under Bolsonaro's leadership. Environmental experts argue that the economic benefits of increased logging and mining in the Amazon are microscopic compared to the long-term damage to the environment. After pressure from European leaders at the recent G-20 meeting to do more to protect the world's largest rainforest, Bolsonaro echoed a patriotic response demanding that no one has the right to an opinion about the Amazon except Brazilians. In retaliation to worldwide criticism, Bolsonaro threatened to follow Trump's example and pull out of the Paris climate accord; however, Bolsonaro was persuaded by cooler heads to retract his threat. To prove who was in control of Brazil's Amazon region, he appointed a federal police officer with strong ties to agribusiness as head of FUNAI, the country's indigenous agency. In a further insult to the world's environmental leaders, not to mention common sense, Paulo Guedes held a news conference on July 25 in Manaus, the largest city in the rainforest, where he declared that since the Amazon forest is known for being the "lungs" of the world, Brazil should charge other countries for all the oxygen the forest produces. Bolsonaro/Guedes also have promised to finish paving BR-319, a controversial highway that cuts through the Amazon forest, linking Manaus to the state of Rondônia and the rest of the country. Inaugurated in 1976, BR-319 was abandoned by federal governments in the 1980s and again in the 1990s as far too costly and risky. Environmentalists believe the highway's completion will seal a death knoll on many indigenous populations by vastly facilitating the growth of the logging and mining industries. 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