Brazil’s Instant Payment System, the Pix, Becomes a Heaven-sent Opportunity for Gangs

When a man approached Maria on Facebook, the 61-year-old Brazilian widow thought she might have another chance at love. She never imagined their budding online relationship would turn into a financial nightmare.

The man, who said he lived abroad, gained her trust with promises of love and marriage. Saying he had sent a box of gifts that had been seized by Customs, he told her she needed to make a down payment to a Brazilian company to release the goods.

“If I lose my package, I will never be happy with you,” he wrote, suggesting she should borrow money from a loan shark if she did not have enough.

Maria – a pensioner whose family asked to use a pseudonym to protect her identity – ended up taking out multiple loans to make payments totaling 19,700 reais ($4,000) through Pix, an instant payment mechanism that has become ubiquitous in Brazil.

We had access to chat messages and her eventual complaint to police, which led to an investigation but no prosecutions.

Maria’s case reflects a surge in fraud incidents in Brazil linked to the explosive growth of digital payments in recent years.

Almost one in three Brazilians have been victims of financial scams and frauds, a 2022 survey by Brazil’s banking association found, up from roughly one in five a year earlier. Many of these are committed through online channels.

Reports of social engineering attacks, which include phishing scams, reached a record high in 2021, the first year after Pix was introduced in November 2020, research by Serasa Experian, a Brazilian credit bureau, showed.

Such financial scams were estimated to have caused losses of 2.5 billion reais last year – about 70% of which stemmed from operations using Pix, a low-cost, instant payment system for mobile phones launched by the country’s central bank.

Concerned about the trend, the central bank has introduced a series of security measures aimed at reducing the risk of phishing scams and fraud using the platform, said Carlos Brandt, head of Pix Management and Operations at the Central Bank of Brazil.

“Pix has an extremely robust security framework,” he said. “Of course, we care and promote a maximum-security environment.”

Much of the problem is simply due to the speed with which digital payments have taken off, with many people unfamiliar with the possible new risks they entail, experts said.

“It’s easy for (fraudsters) to create a compelling story that people could fall for if they’re not used to interacting online, like the elderly,” said Gustavo Monteiro, managing director at cybersecurity firm Allow Me.

“Every Brazilian, now, has a bank in their pockets. These gangs know this,” he added.

Leap in digital payments

With bank branches shuttered due to lockdown curbs, millions of Brazilians turned to online banking for the first time during the COVID-19 pandemic, echoing a worldwide trend.

According to a report by McKinsey, the number of global non-cash retail payments rose on average 13% per year between 2018 and 2021. In emerging markets like Brazil, non-cash payments rose twice as fast during the same period.

Brazilians quickly embraced Pix and nearly 140 million have used it – equivalent to almost two-thirds of the population. Central bank data shows it has overtaken credit and debit cards or regular bank transfers as a means of payment.

From barber’s shops to restaurants to coconut sellers and peddlers on the beaches of Rio de Janeiro, Pix’s gray and green logo has become part of daily life in Brazil.

But as Pix’s use grew monthly, cases of blackmail, scams and even kidnapping involving the app also rose. Brazilian media have dubbed the criminals behind such offenses as “Pix Gangs.”

“Frauds and scams have always existed, but Pix is so fast… and harder to trace. Once it’s done, it’s done,” said Rafael Schiozer, a finance professor at the Fundação Getúlio Vargas, a higher education institution.

Safety measures

The scams can sometimes be difficult to spot.

One day in February, Marcella Centofanti, a journalist from São Paulo, got a phone call from someone purporting to be a bank employee who said hackers had compromised her account.

He was particularly precise in describing her account details and transactions, leading her to think it was true. Eventually she became suspicious when the man asked her to do a Pix transaction and she hung up.

“I felt so vulnerable … I felt that my finances were completely exposed,” said Centofanti, who reported the incident to her bank. “It felt like a very sophisticated scam.”

Measures put in place by the central bank to crack down on such attacks include daily transfer limits and a cap on transactions conducted during the night to reduce the risk of kidnappings.

It has also created a shared database for fake accounts, as criminals often move the money through hundreds of so-called mule accounts to avoid detection.

“We’re always inferring prevention mechanisms to avoid this type of situation as much as possible,” said Brandt, adding that so far, no hacking attempt has been made and that most fraud cases related to Pix stem from social engineering tactics.

Private sector financial companies have also been introducing safety features. Nubank, the largest digital bank in the country, lets clients establish a safe zone, such as their home or work, to do certain transactions.

That means a customer can choose reliable Wi-Fi networks to do banking, and place limits on the value of Pix transactions outside of those areas.

Some people are taking their own preventative measures.

Bruno Diniz, a managing partner at Spiralem, a fintech consultancy firm in Brazil, carries one mobile phone with him for day-to-day transactions and leaves another – linked to his main financial accounts – stowed away at home.

Despite such inconveniences, he still thinks Pix’s benefits outweigh the risks.

“These are not Pix design flaws, it’s a national security problem,” he said. “Eventually, people will adapt.”

($1 = 4.9235 reais)

David Feliba is a freelance journalist based in Buenos Aires, writing in English. His work has appeared in The New York Times, The Washington Post, Americas Quarterly, and The Financial Times, among others.

This article was produced by the Thomson Reuters Foundation. Visit them at https://www.context.news/

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It seems the future never arrives in Brazil What Lies Ahead in Brazil? Brazil Has No Exemplary Past or Present. But What Lies Ahead for the Country? Europeans, US, developed country, developing country. Bolsonaro, future B. Michael Rubin For years, experts have debated what separates a developing country from a developed one. The GDP (Gross Domestic Product) of a country is one simple way to measure its economic development. Another way to measure a country's progress is the extent of public education, e.g. how many citizens complete high school. A country's health may be measured by the effectiveness of its healthcare system, for example, life expectancy and infant mortality. With these measurement tools, it's easier to gauge the difference between a country like Brazil and one like the U.S. What's not easy to gauge is how these two countries developed so differently when they were both "discovered" at the same time. In 1492 and 1500 respectively, the U.S. and Brazil fell under the spell of white Europeans for the first time. While the British and Portuguese had the same modus operandi, namely, to exploit their discoveries for whatever they had to offer, not to mention extinguishing the native Americans already living there if they got in the way, the end result turned out significantly different in the U.S. than in Brazil. There are several theories on how/why the U.S. developed at a faster pace than Brazil. The theories originate via contrasting perspectives – from psychology to economics to geography. One of the most popular theories suggests the divergence between the two countries is linked to politics, i.e. the U.S. established a democratic government in 1776, while Brazil's democracy it could be said began only in earnest in the 1980s. This theory states that the Portuguese monarchy, as well as the 19th and 20th century oligarchies that followed it, had no motivation to invest in industrial development or education of the masses. Rather, Brazil was prized for its cheap and plentiful labor to mine the rich soil of its vast land. There is another theory based on collective psychology that says the first U.S. colonizers from England were workaholic Puritans, who avoided dancing and music in place of work and religious devotion. They labored six days a week then spent all of Sunday in church. Meanwhile, the white settlers in Brazil were unambitious criminals who had been freed from prison in Portugal in exchange for settling in Brazil. The Marxist interpretation of why Brazil lags behind the U.S. was best summarized by Eduardo Galeano, the Uruguayan writer, in 1970. Galeano said five hundred years ago the U.S. had the good fortune of bad fortune. What he meant was the natural riches of Brazil – gold, silver, and diamonds – made it ripe for exploitation by western Europe. Whereas in the U.S., lacking such riches, the thirteen colonies were economically insignificant to the British. Instead, U.S. industrialization had official encouragement from England, resulting in early diversification of its exports and rapid development of manufacturing. II Leaving this debate to the historians, let us turn our focus to the future. According to global projections by several economic strategists, what lies ahead for Brazil, the U.S., and the rest of the world is startling. Projections forecast that based on GDP growth, in 2050 the world's largest economy will be China, not the U.S. In third place will be India, and in fourth – Brazil. With the ascendency of three-fourths of the BRIC countries over the next decades, it will be important to reevaluate the terms developed and developing. In thirty years, it may no longer be necessary to accept the label characterized by Nelson Rodrigues's famous phrase "complexo de vira-lata," for Brazil's national inferiority complex. For Brazilians, this future scenario presents glistening hope. A country with stronger economic power would mean the government has greater wealth to expend on infrastructure, crime control, education, healthcare, etc. What many Brazilians are not cognizant of are the pitfalls of economic prosperity. While Brazilians today may be envious of their wealthier northern neighbors, there are some aspects of a developed country's profile that are not worth envying. For example, the U.S. today far exceeds Brazil in the number of suicides, prescription drug overdoses, and mass shootings. GDP growth and economic projections depend on multiple variables, chief among them the global economic situation and worldwide political stability. A war in the Middle East, for example, can affect oil production and have global ramifications. Political stability within a country is also essential to its economic health. Elected presidents play a crucial role in a country's progress, especially as presidents may differ radically in their worldview. The political paths of the U.S. and Brazil are parallel today. In both countries, we've seen a left-wing regime (Obama/PT) followed by a far-right populist one (Trump/Bolsonaro), surprising many outside observers, and in the U.S. contradicting every political pollster, all of whom predicted a Trump loss to Hillary Clinton in 2016. In Brazil, although Bolsonaro was elected by a clear majority, his triumph has created a powerful emotional polarization in the country similar to what is happening in the U.S. Families, friends, and colleagues have split in a love/hate relationship toward the current presidents in the U.S. and Brazil, leaving broken friendships and family ties. Both presidents face enormous challenges to keep their campaign promises. In Brazil, a sluggish economy just recovering from a recession shows no signs of robust GDP growth for at least the next two years. High unemployment continues to devastate the consumer confidence index in Brazil, and Bolsonaro is suffering under his campaign boasts that his Economy Minister, Paulo Guedes, has all the answers to fix Brazil's slump. Additionally, there is no end to the destruction caused by corruption in Brazil. Some experts believe corruption to be the main reason why Brazil has one of the world's largest wealth inequality gaps. Political corruption robs government coffers of desperately needed funds for education and infrastructure, in addition to creating an atmosphere that encourages everyday citizens to underreport income and engage in the shadow economy, thereby sidestepping tax collectors and regulators. "Why should I be honest about reporting my income when nobody else is? The politicians are only going to steal the tax money anyway," one Brazilian doctor told me. While Bolsonaro has promised a housecleaning of corrupt officials, this is a cry Brazilians have heard from every previous administration. In only the first half-year of his presidency, he has made several missteps, such as nominating one of his sons to be the new ambassador to the U.S., despite the congressman's lack of diplomatic credentials. A June poll found that 51 percent of Brazilians now lack confidence in Bolsonaro's leadership. Just this week, Brazil issued regulations that open a fast-track to deport foreigners who are dangerous or have violated the constitution. The rules published on July 26 by Justice Minister Sérgio Moro define a dangerous person as anyone associated with terrorism or organized crime, in addition to football fans with a violent history. Journalists noted that this new regulation had coincidental timing for an American journalist who has come under fire from Moro for publishing private communications of Moro's. Nevertheless, despite overselling his leadership skills, Bolsonaro has made some economic progress. With the help of congressional leader Rodrigo Maia, a bill is moving forward in congress for the restructuring of Brazil's generous pension system. Most Brazilians recognize the long-term value of such a change, which can save the government billions of dollars over the next decade. At merely the possibility of pension reform, outside investors have responded positively, and the São Paulo stock exchange has performed brilliantly, reaching an all-time high earlier this month. In efforts to boost the economy, Bolsonaro and Paulo Guedes have taken the short-term approach advocated by the Chicago school of economics championed by Milton Friedman, who claimed the key to boosting a slugging economy was to cut government spending. Unfortunately many economists, such as Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman, disagree with this approach. They believe the most effective way to revive a slow economy is exactly the opposite, to spend more money not less. They say the government should be investing money in education and infrastructure projects, which can help put people back to work. Bolsonaro/Guedes have also talked about reducing business bureaucracy and revising the absurdly complex Brazilian tax system, which inhibits foreign and domestic business investment. It remains to be seen whether Bolsonaro has the political acumen to tackle this Godzilla-sized issue. Should Bolsonaro find a way to reform the tax system, the pension system, and curb the most egregious villains of political bribery and kickbacks – a tall order – his efforts could indeed show strong economic results in time for the next election in 2022. Meanwhile, some prominent leaders have already lost faith in Bolsonaro's efforts. The veteran of political/economic affairs, Joaquim Levy, has parted company with the president after being appointed head of the government's powerful development bank, BNDES. Levy and Bolsonaro butted heads over an appointment Levy made of a former employee of Lula's. When neither man refused to back down, Levy resigned his position at BNDES. Many observers believe Bolsonaro's biggest misstep has been his short-term approach to fixing the economy by loosening the laws protecting the Amazon rainforest. He and Guedes believe that by opening up more of the Amazon to logging, mining, and farming, we will see immediate economic stimulation. On July 28, the lead article of The New York Times detailed the vastly increased deforestation in the Amazon taking place under Bolsonaro's leadership. Environmental experts argue that the economic benefits of increased logging and mining in the Amazon are microscopic compared to the long-term damage to the environment. After pressure from European leaders at the recent G-20 meeting to do more to protect the world's largest rainforest, Bolsonaro echoed a patriotic response demanding that no one has the right to an opinion about the Amazon except Brazilians. In retaliation to worldwide criticism, Bolsonaro threatened to follow Trump's example and pull out of the Paris climate accord; however, Bolsonaro was persuaded by cooler heads to retract his threat. To prove who was in control of Brazil's Amazon region, he appointed a federal police officer with strong ties to agribusiness as head of FUNAI, the country's indigenous agency. 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