Yet, while some of these advocates portray an independent political position and claim to represent neutral outsiders who understand the ills afflicting the region and seem to display good intentions for Latin America, many of them actually conceal various hidden agendas of the international neo-socialist movement which they embody!
On the other hand, the United States of America, despite of its many faults and unquestionable history of imperialist policies, have prevented the rise of tyranny at various occasions and, regardless of its recent impoverishment, remains the only power capable of safeguard Latin America against the encroaching (and camouflaged) totalitarianism of the People’s Republic of China and the immeasurable peril posed by a callous, implacable Islamic World.
While Brazil has unquestionably emerged from the cavernous depths of primitivism, underdevelopment and geopolitical irrelevance, establishing the undeniable role of economic and military leader of South America, particularly after the foundation of UNASUR, one must take into account the enormous economic disparity which unfortunately prevails among the various countries of the region.
Most importantly, one cannot lose sight of the divergent (and dangerous) political schemes of some pariah nations (such as Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador) which pursue a blatantly totalitarian neo-socialist pathway, envisioning the creation of a future united South America under the guidance of the Stalinist Bolivarian movement, and aided by criminal groups like the Colombian FARC (which is financially supported by Venezuela and ideologically inspired by Cuba).
Moreover, despite its recent rise in wealth and industrial capabilities, Brazil is far from the point where it could realistically secure the necessary military power that would be indispensable to defend the Liberty of Latin America against so many growing threats emanating from the previously mentioned totalitarian ideological centers.
Throughout the history of our beautiful, misguided planet, since the rise of the first predominant political-military power, the various ethnic groups inhabiting its surrounding regions invariably grew resentful of ruthless exploitation, cultural imposition, and merciless abuse.
Deeply ingrained acrimony inevitably emerged and unavoidably turned into open hostility vis-à-vis the escalation of tyrannical and excessive measures whereby local elites were either eliminated or assimilated, valuable resources appropriated while the general population were oppressed and enslaved.
These vile patterns of political, social and military manipulation have been documented in a wide variety of historical documents in virtually every continent, ranging from the Toltec, Egyptian and Roman Empires into the relatively more recent Islamic Caliphates, Iberian and Northern European Kingdoms of the Middle Ages, Renaissance and Neo-Classic periods.
Yet, ever since the emergence of the liberal concepts of Individualism and Liberty within the British Empire during the seventeenth century, at the height of its Imperial expansion, the sophisticated principles of human rights emerged across intellectuals of its vast domains.
Most notably, such principles became so significant within its thirteen North American colonies that, one century later, when formal political independence was secured, these united states gradually became not only stronger and wealthier, but also a beacon of Liberty and an inspiration to revolutionaries worldwide, thereby emerging as an admired global power of a different sort, with noticeably distinct patterns of dominance.
Unlike its imperial predecessors, the United States of America has frequently avoided exerting direct administration over most regions falling under its sphere of influence, and endeavored to play the role of a benign and detached overseer, while providing significant financial and military assistance without necessarily maintaining actual troops in order to flex muscle to protect its national interests.
As outlined by the brilliant eighteenth century military strategist Carl Philipp Gottlieb von Clausewitz (1780-1831) – Officer of the Prussian Army, Historian, and Military Strategist – International Politics were (previously) defined strictly as a natural extension of Military Conflicts, which was undoubtedly the case of the Spanish, Dutch and British colonial empires.
Yet, the rising American imperialists, from the outset of their active involvement in global politics, have demonstrated a remarkable ability to take such principle even further, whereby international economics and financial preponderance actually become an extension of International Politics thereby expanding the levels of their engagement to reinforce overall supremacy, while also providing collective security.
America’s rising wealth and increased military power during the nineteenth century – not unlike the People Republic of China today – further ensured its acquisition of a super power status thereby setting off enormous benefits, but with the cost of unexpected bereavement, due to an intangible glamour that transformed its society into a source of either envy or reproach, and a scapegoat for several global issues.
Because it became a target of local resentment, international scrutiny and, ultimately, unprecedented hatred within radical segments of distinct totalitarian states, many Americans were suddenly unable to match their values against an unsavory, newly acquired reputation. In essence, the resulting amalgamation of various levels of international antagonism gradually depreciated America’s reputation, thus triggering the onset of its current political and economic decline.
Perhaps because of their traditional self-image as “fair citizens” of a classless democracy, Americans were never intended to become any sort of imperial overlords, compelled to frequently bypass their Founding Fathers’ noble principles when dealing with inherently corrupt and authoritarian rulers.
As a result, the United States of America has inevitably found itself caught up in a vicious web of international intrigue, suspicion and espionage, the resolution of which required embracing ruthless, arrogant and even sporadically cruel schemes in order to secure fundamentally indispensable political and/or military goals.
Notwithstanding its uncomfortable list of reprehensible deeds, when analyzed under the prism of historical imperialistic behavior, the United States easily emerge as the most liberal, permissive and tolerant of all historical World Powers; given that it contributed, for the most part, to the expeditious development of freer, wealthier and healthier societies within its overall economic space.
Moreover, by extending a wide network of financial and military facilities in order to enrich and protect its unexpected empire, the governing polities in Washington were required to spend incalculable sums in foreign aid, loans and investment, while also extending a vastly complex defensive umbrella throughout its protectorate, thereby automatically affording the necessary climate of peace and security for the continued socioeconomic development of its various national components.
Consequently, as it disbursed vast quantities of resources worldwide, to the point of virtually compromising the soundness of its own economy, the United States of America has successfully deterred (and at times prevented) the advance of totalitarian ideals emanating from the extremities of the political spectrum, encouraged international trade – triggering globalization into the world economy – and guaranteed our collective liberty and financial welfare.
While Brazil has the potential, and is likely to reach a comparable level of economic might in the foreseeable future (provided it promotes the education and diminishes the economic disparities of its nationals), there is no question that our brave nation is not yet poised to assume the burdens of the protector of Latin America.
Augustus Aurelianus is a dual citizen of Brazil and USA, who is a native of Rio de Janeiro but has been residing in New York City for the past few decades. He graduated in Political Sciences from CUNY (City University of New York) and is an amateur historian. His claimed expertise lies in Political Philosophy, Comparative Governments, International Imperialism and Authoritarian Governments.