Field of Dreams

      Field of Dreams

    A visit to a settlement of landless farmers near Porto Alegre, capital
    of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, reveals a group of utopian settlers.
    Even subsidized by the government they have a tough time making ends meet
    and they know they will never be able to earn enough to support a modern
    lifestyle.

    By
    Ted Goertzel

    When I told an American friend I was researching the Landless Farmers’
    (Sem Terra) movement in Brazil, she found the concept hard to understand.
    If they don’t have land, she asked, why don’t they buy some? Isn’t their
    real problem a lack of money? Why do they think the government should give
    them land for nothing? These questions were on my mind when I spoke with
    Jonas Ricardo, a spokesman for the Movimento Sem Terra in Porto Alegre,
    Rio Grande do Sul. He responded with a long lecture on Brazilian history.
    Ever since the 1500s, when Brazil was discovered by the Portuguese, land
    has been unjustly distributed. Most of the Indians were exterminated and
    Africans were enslaved.

    Wealthy landowners have exploited rural workers, who have no real chance
    to start their own farms. Much land is not even used, but held for speculative
    purposes, while the landless go hungry. The Landless Farmers’ movement
    wants the government to take this land and distribute it to the hundreds
    of thousands of poor farmers who have no land of their own.

    But doesn’t this go against the trend towards free markets and private
    enterprise, I asked? Did they want a socialist economy such as that in
    Cuba? Jonas insisted that their movement was not based on any foreign model.
    What they wanted was for everyone to have a secure place to live, with
    a decent income, health care, education and a supportive community life.

    It’s an appealing vision, much like we remember life among homesteaders
    living on free land on the American frontier. But can it work today? Can
    small farmers compete with large commercial agriculture? Can life on a
    small plot of land be attractive in a world which is entering the twenty-first
    century?

    The press coverage of the Landless Farmers’ movement has focused on
    the dramatic invasions which occur when groups of would be farmers move
    onto land they want the government to give to them. These invasions are
    often resisted by the people who own the land, leading to bitter conflicts
    and sometimes even to killings. The government wants the would be farmers
    to request the land legally through the government’s land reform agency,
    instead of simply seizing it. The Movement believes that invasions are
    justified because without them the government won’t really do anything.

    This is a hard principle for a democratic society to accept. Why should
    people follow the rules of the game, if benefits are given first to those
    who violate them? Brazilian tradition, however, has often recognized squatters’
    rights because of the need to find some way to meet people’s needs when
    the legal system is ineffective.

    I was not so much interested in the ethics of land invasions, however,
    as in the question of what the Landless Farmers would do with the land
    once they got it. So I asked Jonas to arrange a visit to one of the most
    successful settlements. He recommended a visit to Nova Santa Rita, a rural
    community on the outskirts of Porto Alegre. This settlement has been legally
    recognized for ten years. The land which they occupy was a private farm
    and alcohol factory which had gone bankrupt and been repossessed by the
    Bank of Brazil. The Bank wasn’t doing anything with it, so it was a comparatively
    easy matter for the National Agrarian Reform Institute (INCRA) to turn
    it over to them.

    We had the good luck to arrive at Nova Santa Rita on a Sunday afternoon
    just as they were celebrating a wedding. Everyone was singing and dancing
    and feasting on skewered meat in the traditional Gaúcho style.
    The happy scene was reminiscent of an Israeli Kibbutz, not as they are
    now, but as they were back in the 1940s when the movement was just getting
    established. A tightly knit community held together by a common cause and
    a vision of a better future.

    There is, in fact, some organizational similarity to a Kibbutz. Many
    of the residents of Nova Santa Rita have formed a cooperative called Coopan.
    Most of the members grew up on small family farms, and they saw that their
    parents just scraped by financially. They hope they can do better as a
    cooperative, because they will be able to afford to buy agricultural equipment
    such as tractors, one of which can serve twenty families. They can also
    organize day care centers, and purchase supplies more cheaply. Membership
    in the cooperative is completely voluntary, however, and most of the families
    in the settlement have chosen to remain on private plots. The cooperative
    has 800 of the 2040 hectares of land.

    Living in an agricultural settlement is an appealing way of life, as
    long as one does not mind the absence of television, movie theaters, night
    clubs, shopping centers or other pleasures of modern life. The residents
    entertain themselves with sports, and have a rich spiritual life thanks
    to the presence of several nuns who live with the community. The Landless
    Farmer’s movement is strongly supported by progressive activists within
    the Catholic Church, who see it as an assertion of human dignity and concern
    for the poor.

    One might think that the residents would be grateful to the government
    which made this rural idyll possible. But they are not. The residents are
    certain that, left to its own initiative, the government would do nothing
    to help them. The government responds only to pressure, and then it gives
    them less than they really need. The leader of the cooperative thought
    that President Fernando Henrique Cardoso was a very intelligent man who
    was following the same liberal policies as in other countries. The real
    power in Brazil, he thought, was the United States. The Brazilian government
    acted for the upper middle class, not the workers. This was just his opinion,
    he hastened to add. The community is not affiliated with any political
    party, and members have a variety of ideological views.

    As is often the case with utopian communities, economics is a fly in
    the ointment. In a sense, my American friend was right. The Landless Farmers’
    movement is not so much about land as about money. Without government subsidies,
    the farms would not be viable, at least in the short run. They receive
    subsidized credit from the government, paying an interest rate of 2%. Even
    so, they have difficulty making ends meet. Last year, Nova Santa Rita had
    no harvest because of a drought, and was unable to make the payments on
    its subsidized government loans.

    On the way home from Nova Santa Rita, I asked our escort whether they
    had analyzed the agricultural economics of the settlement. Is it possible
    for 100 families to make a decent living on 2040 hectares of land? He said
    they knew that it was impossible. At best, the settlers might scrape out
    a bare subsistence from the land, eating food they have grown themselves
    and living in homes they build with their own hands. There would never
    be enough income to support a modern lifestyle. What they hope is that
    they can organize industries or businesses on the settlements to supplement
    the agricultural income. For this, also, they would require government
    subsidies.

    This has been the experience, also, of the Israeli Kibbutzim. Despite
    generous state subsidies, they have often been forced to go into nonagricultural
    activities in order to survive. Sometimes the members work off the Kibbutz
    to bring in income.

    The law assumes that the settlers will eventually break away from the
    government programs and become independent farmers. But the movement discourages
    this, and as yet, none have done so. Their survival depends on government
    subsidies. The Cardoso administration extends them this support, because
    they see it as a dignified way of helping people who are eager to help
    themselves. They view the program as a way of providing at least a temporary
    respite for people who are excluded from the modern economy. First Lady
    Ruth Cardoso is proud of the fact that they have settled 40,000 families,
    many more than any previous administration, and they hope to settle 100,000.

    The activists deny that the government is doing its best to help, and
    demand that the government instantly turn over any land they occupy. This
    leads to conflict with land owners, and a breakdown in orderly process
    as land invaders push themselves ahead of people who have waited their
    turn in line. One thing both the settlers and the administration agree
    on is the unresponsiveness of the government bureaucracy. Ruth Cardoso
    told me that the biggest problem in all the social services has not been
    the lack of money but simply the incapacity of the government apparatus
    to carry out its functions. They have appointed a new director of INCRA
    and given him great flexibility to reorganize the bureaucracy.

    President Cardoso’s other initiative is to extend many of the benefits
    given to settlements to small farmers throughout the country. In August,
    1997, he announced a program which will allow farmers a line of credit
    up to $10,000 to purchase land.

    In keeping with the principle of decentralization, he plans to turn
    responsibility for administering the agrarian reform over to the states.
    Funding, will come from $150 million of federal money, which they hope
    will be supplemented by $250 million from the Interamerican Development
    Bank. With this program, Cardoso believes it will be possible to settle
    297,000 families by the end of 1988.

    With this new program in place, invasions may no longer be viewed as
    the only effective way to get government support for small farmers.

     
    Ted Goertzel is a Sociology professor at the Rutgers
    University in Camden, New Jersey. He is the author of five books, the latest
    two being Linus Pauling: A Life in Science and Politics and Turncoats
    and True Believers: The Dynamics of Political Belief and Disillusionment.
    You can contact him through his E-mail: goertzel@crab.rutgers.edu

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