Racial Equality in Brazil: A Goal to Shoot For

     Racial Equality in 
Brazil: A Goal to Shoot For

    As fans around the
    world marvel at the skills of Brazilian soccer
    players, they are also witness to the cohesion and harmony with
    which the players, from different racial backgrounds, perform. While
    this perception of racial equality fits neatly into Brazil’s ‘racial
    democracy’, it fails to reflect the broader Brazilian society.
    by: Stephen
    de Tarczynski

    The Brazilian national soccer team is one of the great symbols of the country.
    It has become synonymous with success, having won five World Cups, more than
    any other nation. Consisting of black, white, and mixed-race players, Brazil’s
    national team presents to the world a picture of racial harmony. But does
    the racial harmony that seems to exist on the soccer pitch reflect the reality
    of contemporary Brazilian society?

    Dr. Ralf Newmark, of La
    Trobe University’s Institute of Latin American Studies in Melbourne, Australia,
    argues that it doesn’t. He points out that Brazil, since abolishing slavery
    in 1888 (the last country in the world to formally do so), has perpetuated
    this myth of ‘racial democracy’, whereby opportunity is open to all regardless
    of race. "In other words, color is not an issue," says Dr. Newmark.

    A snapshot of Brazilian
    society by the Center of United Marginalized Populations in 2000 suggests
    that ‘racial democracy’ is indeed a myth. The mortality rate for black babies
    under the age of one was 62.3 per 1,000 live births, while for whites it was
    37.3. 36 percent of blacks received no formal education, compared with 19
    percent of whites. The illiteracy rate amongst black adults was 50 percent,
    while for whites it was 20 percent.

    Race relations in Brazil
    were established during the slavery period, where blacks were cast in their
    role at the lowest level of society, restricted to mundane and labor-intensive

    Following the abolition
    of slavery, Brazilian blacks had no formal barriers to impede their upward
    social movement, unlike blacks in the USA or Australian Aborigines.

    Despite this, the relationship
    that had developed between whites and blacks during the slavery period continued
    after abolition, thereby leading to a reinforcement of the status quo.

    In The Negro in Brazilian
    Society, Florestan Fernandes writes that formal barriers to block the
    upward mobility of blacks were never erected. According to Fernandes, this
    stemmed from "the perpetuation of the total set of patterns of race relations
    that developed under slavery and were so damaging to the black man [and which]
    occurred without the whites having had any fear of the probable economic,
    social, and political consequences of racial equality and open competition
    with the Negro."

    Combined with this, Fernandes
    argues that "the white did not feel that he had to compete, contend and
    struggle against the Negro, [while] the latter tended to passively accept
    the continuation of old patterns of racial adjustment."

    Sociologist Gilberto Freyre,
    author of The Masters and The Slaves, published in 1933, epitomized
    the dominant view of race relations in Brazil. Freyre "developed this
    idea of a Brazilian-ness, or a brasilidade, which reflected a noble,
    tropical society," says Dr. Newmark.

    Here is "this wonderful
    mixing of races to produce an extraordinary tropical civilization, which was
    what his thesis was. This is in fact anti-black, because was it does in a
    sense, is it talks about a ‘whitening’ of the population. It talks about an
    opposite of what you’d say would be black pride."

    These race relations were
    reflected in Brazilian soccer. In The World’s Game, Dr. Bill Murray,
    Associate Professor in History, also at La Trobe University, points out the
    racism that existed within the game in Brazil, such as Fluminense’s (one of
    the ‘big four’ clubs in Rio de Janeiro) refusal to sign black players, a policy
    which lasted until the 1950s.

    Dr. Murray also writes
    of a Fluminense player named Carlos Alberto, who was signed by the club despite
    being a mulatto (of mixed African and European descent)—a fact that had
    escaped the club’s attention. In order to conceal his true racial make-up,
    Alberto rubbed rice powder into his face, a superficial process of "whitening".

    Another example of the
    overt racism that existed in Brazilian football, as noted by Dr. Murray, was
    after Vasco da Gama (another of Rio’s ‘big four’) had won the city’s metropolitan
    league in 1923 and 1924 with several non-white players. Several clubs refused
    to play against Vasco and went on to form their own league in protest.

    Despite the racism that
    existed in Brazilian soccer, the high quality of the black players eventually
    forced a change in the attitude of the game’s administrators. "They had
    to accept that by the late 1920s and certainly into the 1930s, they couldn’t
    ignore the black players. They were just too good," says Dr. Murray.

    In The World’s Game,
    he writes that by the 1950s, Brazilian soccer was losing its racism. This
    eventually led to today’s situation, where black players and those of mixed
    descent are recognized as some of the best in the world, and treated accordingly.

    Although racism in soccer
    has been curtailed to a large extent, Dr. Newmark points out that sport is
    one of the two areas where black people in Brazil are able to succeed, with
    entertainment being the other.

    Even Pelé, regarded
    by many as the greatest soccer player ever, and who went on to serve his country
    as Minister of Sport, "only reinforces the argument that sport and entertainment
    are the two areas where you [a black person] can be upwardly socially mobile,"
    says Dr. Newmark.

    According to Dr. Murray,
    Pelé, who married a white woman, was used to show how Brazil "was
    the great integrated society". Another example of the limited acceptance
    of Afro-Brazilians is musician Gilberto Gil, currently Brazil’s Minister of

    Black Movement

    The ambiguous nature of
    this relationship between blacks and whites in Brazil can also be seen in
    the historical weakness of a black consciousness movement. "I think this
    myth [of racial democracy] has made that much more difficult. There have been
    slight ones, but it’s never been a movement like in the US", says Dr.

    A Frente Negra Brasileira
    (The Black Brazilian Front), formed in São Paulo in the 1930s, planned
    to unite blacks and mulattos. Despite having thousands of followers, the Front
    received an insignificant number of votes, due in part to literacy being a
    prerequisite to vote. Fernandes writes that "since the beginning of the
    rights movements, all attempts to corner the Negro vote have always failed

    According to Anani Dziozienyo,
    author of The Position of Blacks in Brazilian Society, "the growth
    of black consciousness is discouraged by the society’s refusal to grant the
    black citizen the opportunity to realize his whole identity, including his
    black self, by denying the significance which black development (political,
    social and cultural) holds for him in particular, and for Brazil in general."

    Dr. Newmark agrees, arguing
    that whites in Brazil appropriated and sanitized black traditions, such as
    samba, as a part of brasilidade. "What you have here in a sense,
    is a sort of impotence on behalf of the blacks."

    In a society where the
    gap between rich and poor is so large, and where the majority of the wealth
    is concentrated in the hands of such a small percentage of the population,
    Dr. Newmark argues that class also plays a part in the blacks’ position. "The
    racism is reinforced all the time by the class structure," he says. This
    situation also results in the reinforcement of racial stereotypes.

    However, the plight of
    blacks in South America’s most populous nation does seem to be improving.
    A number of organizations have been created since the 1990s, indicating a
    new level of black consciousness. Perhaps one day, the racial harmony that
    exists between blacks, whites, and mixed-race players on the soccer pitch
    will indeed reflect race relations in Brazil as a whole.


    1. Buckley, S, Brazil’s
    Racial Awakening, The Washington Post, Monday June 12, 2000.

    2. Dziozienyo, A, The
    Position of Blacks in Brazilian Society, Minority Rights Group, London,

    3. Fernandes, F, The
    Negro in Brazilian Society, Columbia University Press, New York, 1969.

    4. Freyre, G, The Masters
    and the Slaves, Alfred A. Knopf Publishing, 1956.

    5. Murray, W, The World’s
    Game, University of Illinois Press, 1996.

    It’s possible that Stephen de Tarczynski is currently living in a hole in
    the ground in Western Australia’s outback—although he possibly isn’t
    as well. Lucky enough to spend a few months in Brazil in 2002, he hopes
    to return there soon. He can be contacted at detar76@hotmail.com.

    • Show Comments (0)

    Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

    comment *

    • name *

    • email *

    • website *

    This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed.


    You May Also Like

    Francal, shoe fair from Brazil

    Francal Brazil, LatAm’s Largest Shoe Fair, Draws Buyers from Europe and Americas

    Abicalçados, the Brazilian Association of Shoe Manufacturers, has invited 19 international companies to attend ...

    Brazil Proposes Bigger Fishing Fleet to WTO

    Brazil will take to the World Trade Organization meeting, in Geneva, on the 13th, ...

    Brazilian Troops Use Guns and Tear Gas During Haiti Elections

    Brazilian troops were responsible for the security of 88 voting centers in the Haitian ...

    Very Special Students

    Brazilian companies willing to export to the U.S. don’t have to spend hundreds of ...

    After Bolivia Crisis Brazil Looks for Gas in Africa and Middle East

    Brazilian state-controlled oil giant Petrobras, and White Martins, greatest company of industrial gas in ...

    Santos port in São Paulo, Brazil

    Brazil Trade Balance Surplus Falls 64%

    The trade balance surplus (exports minus imports) in April was US$ 1.744 billion, according ...

    Nuclear sign

    Brazil Confused on Dealing with Japan Radiation While Embassy in Lybia Runs Out of Money

    Brazilian representatives of the National Atomic Energy Commission, the Food and Drug Administration (Anvisa) ...