Rapidinhas – Beach Beauty

Beach beauty

Michelle Patrícia Martins, the 1996 Rio’s Summer Muse, had a previous brush with fame. The gorgeous
mulata was one of the 20 finalists last year among 2750 candidates looking for a job as
paquita,” the TV cheerleader helpers of
super-presenter Xuxa. She was refused a place allegedly due to her age (“over the ideal limit”) which by then was 16.
“Racism,” some denounced. Michelle didn’t care. She even became Xuxa’s friend. She has studied theater, modeling and jazz
since and is seriously considering a career modeling. If muses of past summers are any indication Michelle will be a
very successful model indeed. The Summer Muse is traditionally from the more affluent south zone of Rio. Michelle,
however, lives in the blue-collar neighborhood of Bonsucesso, with her strict parents and an older sister. Samba School
Imperatriz Leopoldinense invited her to be in their latest Carnaval parade. “Yes,” she said, “but with a condition. You have to
change this costume. I am not showing my breasts.”


Rio’s Summer Muse

 

Michelle in skimpy bikini


Woman

Beach beauty

Michelle Patrícia Martins, the 1996 Rio’s Summer Muse, had a previous brush with fame. The gorgeous
mulata was one of the 20 finalists last year among 2750 candidates looking for a job as
paquita,” the TV cheerleader helpers of
super-presenter Xuxa. She was refused a place allegedly due to her age (“over the ideal limit”) which by then was 16.
“Racism,” some denounced. Michelle didn’t care. She even became Xuxa’s friend. She has studied theater, modeling and jazz
since and is seriously considering a career modeling. If muses of past summers are any indication Michelle will be a
very successful model indeed. The Summer Muse is traditionally from the more affluent south zone of Rio. Michelle,
however, lives in the blue-collar neighborhood of Bonsucesso, with her strict parents and an older sister. Samba School
Imperatriz Leopoldinense invited her to be in their latest Carnaval parade. “Yes,” she said, “but with a condition. You have to
change this costume. I am not showing my breasts.”


Show biz

Anybody cares?

No one would imagine a few seconds on Michael
Jackson
‘s video clip “They Don’t Care About Us” would provoke
such domestic and international commotion. The entertainer went to Salvador, Bahia and Rio. The ruckus started even
before the singer set foot in Brazil, right after Rio’s mayor was able to get an injunction preventing Jackson from filming in
the Dona Marta favela (shanty town). Another judge dropped the case, but the damage had already been done and the
PR nightmare had started. Rio’s Police Chief Hélio
Luz
called the video’s director, Spike
Lee
,
a sucker for paying drug traffickers for protection during the filming.
“He’s probably used to do this in the US,” said Luz. “I was very
smart,” shot back Lee. “The police have no authority in Dona Marta. If
I want a Coke I will not ask another customer for it but the waiter.”
Spike, who drank a lot of guaraná, a popular Brazilian soft drink, was also exasperated with the journalists,
calling their questions “very stupid.” Seemingly unaware of the imbroglio Jackson even made some last minute changes on
the script taking the cameras to well inside the
favela and mingling with Dona Marta’s residents. They placed a big sign
on the top of the hill saying, “Michael Jackson, they don’t care about us.”


Behavior

Whistle blowers

The campaign for the legalization of marijuana in Brazil has gained an unlikely ally. First lady anthropologist
Ruth Cardoso defended the idea of pot smoking during an interview to Programa Livre, a SBT TV show. The declaration
made Cardoso the darling of Posto 9, a spot on Ipanema beach (south zone of Rio) where the product has been making
headlines the past few weeks. Nilton
Cerqueira
, Rio’s secretary of Public Security commented, “This is the opinion of a citizen
and should be respected. But we have a law and that also has to be respected.” It was in the same area that musicians
Gilberto Gil, Caetano Veloso, and
Gal Costa used to get high around 1980 at the so-called Dunas do Barato (Pot’s Dunes)
while the police looked the other way. That little piece of beach hasn’t gotten so much attention since 1987 when a Panama
ship, afraid of being caught, unloaded its cargo of marijuana-filled cans which ended up at Posto 9’s sands. To avoid the
police, who have stepped up efforts to prevent the use of marijuana in the beach, Posto 9’s habitués started to wear a whistle
which is used every time a uniformed officer approaches. The

apitaço (whistling festival) has irritated the police and
repression has increased with dozens of pot smokers been detained.


On the spot

Brazil has only three months to answer to an OAS (Organization of American States) formal accusation of
having massacred 13 peoples who lived at Rio’s Nova Brasília
favela (shanty town), last May. That’s the third time in less
than two months that the OAS’s Interamerican Commission on Human Rights calls the country to task. The charge was
brought by the group Human Rights Watch/Americas which in December had presented two other complaints: the first dealing
with the death of Goiás’s state Araguaia guerrillas between 72 and 74 and the second concerning 11 farm workers killed
in Corumbiara, Rondônia, last August. Rio’s governor
Marcello Alencar protested the indictment: “How can the
OAS condemn Brazil in a world in which there’s rampant violence?”


Romancing the Oscar

O Quatrilho‘s Oscar nomination for best foreign movie was noisily celebrated by its director
Fábio Barreto as if he had already won the Oscar. Barreto was also confident that the Academy’s nod would improve the movie’s lot at the
domestic box office and give it a shot at the foreign market. It was only the second time a Brazilian movie was so recognized
by Hollywood. The last time it happened the film was the Golden Palm Cannes winner
O Pagador de Promessas and the year was 1962.

 


Monkeys don’t

Despite all its success and to a certain point due to it, the Brazilian Institute of Environment and Renewable
Natural
Resources (Ibama) has gone to court to stop the airing of a TV commercial in which monkeys do such human things
like drive cars, talk on the cellular phone and take soft drink. Ibama asserts that forcing the animal to do such acts is a
violation against their species. To avoid problems the Pepsi and
guaraná Antarctic ad producer imported the monkeys. Now
they could also be prosecuted for “trying to circumvent the law”, according to Ibama’s President
Raul Jungmann. A couple of years ago the federal agency was successful in stopping an ad for an ant insecticide in which starred an
anteater tamandua.


Gimme that zapper

Most Brazilians seem to hate Voz do Brazil (Brazil’s Voice), a radio program which is broadcast every weekday from
7 PM to 8 PM by every radio station in the country, and are quick to turn off the radio as soon as they hear the
program’s musical theme the first chords from Carlos
Gomes
O Guarani. Comes
July 1 the Voz will also be on TV and will stay in the air 24 hours.
The federal channel will bring news from the Executive, the congress
and various federal departments. The redeeming feature is that the
non-stop official Brazilian show will be on cable, a privilege still
only accessible to a handful of Brazilians.


Budget leeway

Money can be tight in Brasília, but not for parties, medals or
cachaça (sugar cane liquor). In 1995, the federal
government spent more than $5 million just to promote parties. Almost $800,000 of this money were used by the always stern
Army Ministry. The same ministry used the money earmarked for “maintenance of the troops” to buy 2,700 tinamou bird
eggs a product believed to be an aphrodisiac and 24
cachaça bottles. The Department of Strategic Affairs, certainly
intent on preserving the moral of their snoopers, made some interesting purchases, among others: 20

petecas (feather shuttlecocks) and 40 gallons of eucalyptus essence to be used in saunas.


Roll of shame

Brazil or Haiti? Where social instability is more likely to happen? Brazil, says CIA’s State Failure Task Force, which
listed 16 nations with a “high risk of social instability.” According the Central Intelligence Agency’s study Brazil is number
five among the most unstable countries in the planet losing only to Armenia, Bangladesh, Benin and Bolivia. Haiti comes
in 7th place. High index of unemployment and the existence of death squads are some of the factors that gave Brazil
the prominent place in this infamous list. Is Brazil that shaky or is this just another proof that the CIA went off its rocker?


Positive, Charles

Not only surfers, criminals and rappers have their
exclusive lingo. In Rio, you would also need a dictionary to understand
police officers talking to each other. This kind of talk is highly
contagious and some journalists on police beat end up using the same
vocabulary in their stories. Here’s a little help:

Charles Bravo – Military Police corporal

Correto – (correct) yes

Diligência – investigation

Doutor Delpol – Police commissioner

Elemento – person

Genitora – mother

Incursão – police crackdown

Lavrar a ocorrência – to report the case

Negativo – no

Operação pneumático – the change of a tire

Papa Índio – (Indian eater) poor devil

Papa Maique (Foxtrote) – (Woman) Military Police

Positivo – yes

Trinca – three

Viatura – police car

Zulu – the letter Z

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It seems the future never arrives in Brazil What Lies Ahead in Brazil? Brazil Has No Exemplary Past or Present. But What Lies Ahead for the Country? Europeans, US, developed country, developing country. Bolsonaro, future B. Michael Rubin For years, experts have debated what separates a developing country from a developed one. The GDP (Gross Domestic Product) of a country is one simple way to measure its economic development. Another way to measure a country's progress is the extent of public education, e.g. how many citizens complete high school. A country's health may be measured by the effectiveness of its healthcare system, for example, life expectancy and infant mortality. With these measurement tools, it's easier to gauge the difference between a country like Brazil and one like the U.S. What's not easy to gauge is how these two countries developed so differently when they were both "discovered" at the same time. In 1492 and 1500 respectively, the U.S. and Brazil fell under the spell of white Europeans for the first time. While the British and Portuguese had the same modus operandi, namely, to exploit their discoveries for whatever they had to offer, not to mention extinguishing the native Americans already living there if they got in the way, the end result turned out significantly different in the U.S. than in Brazil. There are several theories on how/why the U.S. developed at a faster pace than Brazil. The theories originate via contrasting perspectives – from psychology to economics to geography. One of the most popular theories suggests the divergence between the two countries is linked to politics, i.e. the U.S. established a democratic government in 1776, while Brazil's democracy it could be said began only in earnest in the 1980s. This theory states that the Portuguese monarchy, as well as the 19th and 20th century oligarchies that followed it, had no motivation to invest in industrial development or education of the masses. Rather, Brazil was prized for its cheap and plentiful labor to mine the rich soil of its vast land. There is another theory based on collective psychology that says the first U.S. colonizers from England were workaholic Puritans, who avoided dancing and music in place of work and religious devotion. They labored six days a week then spent all of Sunday in church. Meanwhile, the white settlers in Brazil were unambitious criminals who had been freed from prison in Portugal in exchange for settling in Brazil. The Marxist interpretation of why Brazil lags behind the U.S. was best summarized by Eduardo Galeano, the Uruguayan writer, in 1970. Galeano said five hundred years ago the U.S. had the good fortune of bad fortune. What he meant was the natural riches of Brazil – gold, silver, and diamonds – made it ripe for exploitation by western Europe. Whereas in the U.S., lacking such riches, the thirteen colonies were economically insignificant to the British. Instead, U.S. industrialization had official encouragement from England, resulting in early diversification of its exports and rapid development of manufacturing. II Leaving this debate to the historians, let us turn our focus to the future. According to global projections by several economic strategists, what lies ahead for Brazil, the U.S., and the rest of the world is startling. Projections forecast that based on GDP growth, in 2050 the world's largest economy will be China, not the U.S. In third place will be India, and in fourth – Brazil. With the ascendency of three-fourths of the BRIC countries over the next decades, it will be important to reevaluate the terms developed and developing. In thirty years, it may no longer be necessary to accept the label characterized by Nelson Rodrigues's famous phrase "complexo de vira-lata," for Brazil's national inferiority complex. For Brazilians, this future scenario presents glistening hope. A country with stronger economic power would mean the government has greater wealth to expend on infrastructure, crime control, education, healthcare, etc. What many Brazilians are not cognizant of are the pitfalls of economic prosperity. While Brazilians today may be envious of their wealthier northern neighbors, there are some aspects of a developed country's profile that are not worth envying. For example, the U.S. today far exceeds Brazil in the number of suicides, prescription drug overdoses, and mass shootings. GDP growth and economic projections depend on multiple variables, chief among them the global economic situation and worldwide political stability. A war in the Middle East, for example, can affect oil production and have global ramifications. Political stability within a country is also essential to its economic health. Elected presidents play a crucial role in a country's progress, especially as presidents may differ radically in their worldview. The political paths of the U.S. and Brazil are parallel today. In both countries, we've seen a left-wing regime (Obama/PT) followed by a far-right populist one (Trump/Bolsonaro), surprising many outside observers, and in the U.S. contradicting every political pollster, all of whom predicted a Trump loss to Hillary Clinton in 2016. In Brazil, although Bolsonaro was elected by a clear majority, his triumph has created a powerful emotional polarization in the country similar to what is happening in the U.S. Families, friends, and colleagues have split in a love/hate relationship toward the current presidents in the U.S. and Brazil, leaving broken friendships and family ties. Both presidents face enormous challenges to keep their campaign promises. In Brazil, a sluggish economy just recovering from a recession shows no signs of robust GDP growth for at least the next two years. High unemployment continues to devastate the consumer confidence index in Brazil, and Bolsonaro is suffering under his campaign boasts that his Economy Minister, Paulo Guedes, has all the answers to fix Brazil's slump. Additionally, there is no end to the destruction caused by corruption in Brazil. Some experts believe corruption to be the main reason why Brazil has one of the world's largest wealth inequality gaps. Political corruption robs government coffers of desperately needed funds for education and infrastructure, in addition to creating an atmosphere that encourages everyday citizens to underreport income and engage in the shadow economy, thereby sidestepping tax collectors and regulators. "Why should I be honest about reporting my income when nobody else is? The politicians are only going to steal the tax money anyway," one Brazilian doctor told me. While Bolsonaro has promised a housecleaning of corrupt officials, this is a cry Brazilians have heard from every previous administration. In only the first half-year of his presidency, he has made several missteps, such as nominating one of his sons to be the new ambassador to the U.S., despite the congressman's lack of diplomatic credentials. A June poll found that 51 percent of Brazilians now lack confidence in Bolsonaro's leadership. Just this week, Brazil issued regulations that open a fast-track to deport foreigners who are dangerous or have violated the constitution. The rules published on July 26 by Justice Minister Sérgio Moro define a dangerous person as anyone associated with terrorism or organized crime, in addition to football fans with a violent history. Journalists noted that this new regulation had coincidental timing for an American journalist who has come under fire from Moro for publishing private communications of Moro's. Nevertheless, despite overselling his leadership skills, Bolsonaro has made some economic progress. With the help of congressional leader Rodrigo Maia, a bill is moving forward in congress for the restructuring of Brazil's generous pension system. Most Brazilians recognize the long-term value of such a change, which can save the government billions of dollars over the next decade. At merely the possibility of pension reform, outside investors have responded positively, and the São Paulo stock exchange has performed brilliantly, reaching an all-time high earlier this month. In efforts to boost the economy, Bolsonaro and Paulo Guedes have taken the short-term approach advocated by the Chicago school of economics championed by Milton Friedman, who claimed the key to boosting a slugging economy was to cut government spending. Unfortunately many economists, such as Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman, disagree with this approach. They believe the most effective way to revive a slow economy is exactly the opposite, to spend more money not less. They say the government should be investing money in education and infrastructure projects, which can help put people back to work. Bolsonaro/Guedes have also talked about reducing business bureaucracy and revising the absurdly complex Brazilian tax system, which inhibits foreign and domestic business investment. It remains to be seen whether Bolsonaro has the political acumen to tackle this Godzilla-sized issue. Should Bolsonaro find a way to reform the tax system, the pension system, and curb the most egregious villains of political bribery and kickbacks – a tall order – his efforts could indeed show strong economic results in time for the next election in 2022. Meanwhile, some prominent leaders have already lost faith in Bolsonaro's efforts. The veteran of political/economic affairs, Joaquim Levy, has parted company with the president after being appointed head of the government's powerful development bank, BNDES. Levy and Bolsonaro butted heads over an appointment Levy made of a former employee of Lula's. When neither man refused to back down, Levy resigned his position at BNDES. Many observers believe Bolsonaro's biggest misstep has been his short-term approach to fixing the economy by loosening the laws protecting the Amazon rainforest. He and Guedes believe that by opening up more of the Amazon to logging, mining, and farming, we will see immediate economic stimulation. On July 28, the lead article of The New York Times detailed the vastly increased deforestation in the Amazon taking place under Bolsonaro's leadership. Environmental experts argue that the economic benefits of increased logging and mining in the Amazon are microscopic compared to the long-term damage to the environment. After pressure from European leaders at the recent G-20 meeting to do more to protect the world's largest rainforest, Bolsonaro echoed a patriotic response demanding that no one has the right to an opinion about the Amazon except Brazilians. In retaliation to worldwide criticism, Bolsonaro threatened to follow Trump's example and pull out of the Paris climate accord; however, Bolsonaro was persuaded by cooler heads to retract his threat. To prove who was in control of Brazil's Amazon region, he appointed a federal police officer with strong ties to agribusiness as head of FUNAI, the country's indigenous agency. In a further insult to the world's environmental leaders, not to mention common sense, Paulo Guedes held a news conference on July 25 in Manaus, the largest city in the rainforest, where he declared that since the Amazon forest is known for being the "lungs" of the world, Brazil should charge other countries for all the oxygen the forest produces. Bolsonaro/Guedes also have promised to finish paving BR-319, a controversial highway that cuts through the Amazon forest, linking Manaus to the state of Rondônia and the rest of the country. Inaugurated in 1976, BR-319 was abandoned by federal governments in the 1980s and again in the 1990s as far too costly and risky. Environmentalists believe the highway's completion will seal a death knoll on many indigenous populations by vastly facilitating the growth of the logging and mining industries. Several dozen heavily armed miners dressed in military fatigues invaded a Wajãpi village recently in the state of Amapá near the border of French Guiana and fatally stabbed one of the community's leaders. While Brazil's environmental protection policies are desperately lacking these days, not all the news here was bad. On the opening day of the 2019 Pan America Games in Lima, Peru, Brazilian Luisa Baptista, swam, biked, and ran her way to the gold medal in the women's triathlon. The silver medal went to Vittoria Lopes, another Brazilian. B. Michael Rubin is an American writer living in Brazil.

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