Carnaval in the US

Is Brazilian Carnaval becoming an American institution? You can
count on a myriad of Carnaval lovers all around the US to make this
happen before long.

In 1969, the same year that North Americans
stepped on the moon, a group of San Francisco’s Bay
Area Brazilians took a small but historic step of their
own. Opening the doors of a tiny hall in South San
Francisco, they invited the world in. There were no
costumes. The music was taped. By Rio or Bahia standards, the
celebrants, mostly American, were sedate. But it was the first
Brazilian Carnaval Ball on the West Coast.

Twenty seven years later, the event has become one of
party-minded San Francisco’s favorite entertainmments and the
longest running Brazilian Carnaval Ball in the United States. It is
now called the Bay Area Brasilian Club/Friends of Brazil
Carnaval Ball to reflect a progressive shift of leadership a few years ago.

By any name, this one nightful of fun is what finances the
Club’s activities year round. Many of these concentrate on serious
community needs: seminars on immigration, work, drugs,
emergency family funding. Others concentrate on culture: concerts by
Brazilian musical artists like João Bosco and Beth Carvalho, a
film exhibition and San Francisco’s First Children’s Day. But
on Carnaval night, revelers concentrate only on samba,
frevo, marcha, samba reggae and
axé.

 

Since 1984, the San Francisco Carnaval has been held in
the Galleria, a soaring, multi-tiered building, which adapts
naturally to festivity. Each year at Carnaval, it is embellished with banners, streamers,
serpentines. Last year, twin cardboard cutouts of a two-story
high Carmen Miranda smiled down on the crowd.

This year “The Night of the Masquerade” decorations
will be topped by a 24 by 24 foot Carnaval Mask winking
seductively at the two to three thousand people who are expected to
attend. Included among them is an upscale group from the
Domaine Chandon Club, most of whom, it is likely will be attending
their first authentic Carnaval Ball.

And authentic is the key word. Through the years
traditional Carnaval idols like Elsa Soares and Emilinha Borba have
come up from Rio to join local Brazilian performers. Carnaval
regulars through the years have included Lisa Silva; Aquarela,
directed by Maria Souza; Carlos Aceituno’s Fogo na Roupa; and
Oxumaré, guided by Gilda Maria. On-stage also, for the past 11 years
has been The Brazilian All Star Big Band, under the direction
of Célia Malheiros.

Although most of the Band’s members are
professional performers, there are some whose every day lives are
very different. Among the bespangled entertainers are Marilu,
who details foreign cars; Marisa, a travel agent; and Roberto, one
of the top Portuguese court interpreters in California.

The evening will also include a tribute to Neuza Brown,
a native of Rio, who took a rhythmic step of her own in the
history of Bay Area Carnaval Balls. She was the first
sambista, the first person to bring the fantastic costumes and the fiery spirit of
the escolas de sambas to the Bay Area dance floor.

Carnaval `96’s theme, A Noite dos Mascarados
(The Night of the Masquerades) is one that has been popular among revelers
at Carnaval Balls for hundreds of years, in Italy, France
and Portugal. Both the elegant Carnaval Balls and the raffish,
downright dirty pre-Lenten entrudos of the Portuguese poor
were exported to Brazil and, like so much else in that country, it
was the mixing which made Carnaval different than any other
celebration on earth.

Despite the theme, the masks are optional. One member of the
Club, touched lightly by poetic inspiration, explains:
“Wear a mask or don’t wear one To the Brazilian night of fun!”

While San Francisco celebrants wrestle with that one, Brazilians
and non-Brazilians all over the US are following their own traditions
and preparing their own Carnaval Balls.

 

New York actually held the first Carnaval Ball in the country at
the Waldorf Astoria Hotel but there have been some years when the event
was skipped. This year, however, there will once again be a Carnaval Ball
at the Waldorf.

Los Angeles will hold the 15th Carnaval Ball sponsored by Samba
e Saudade, at the Hollywood Palladium. Florida
Brasileiros will samba at the Seville Beach Hotel in
Miami Beach, their ninth such celebration. Made-by-Brazilian Carnaval
Balls have also appeared, from time to time, in Chicago, San Diego and even
Arizona.

More and more the spirit of celebration, the excitement of the
upcoming change of seasons and just the desire to have one rare old
time makes the Brazilian Carnaval Ball more popular each year.
Someday, perhaps, it may even challenge the New Orleans
Mardi Gras in popularity as an “all American entertainment
institution.”

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It seems the future never arrives in Brazil What Lies Ahead in Brazil? Brazil Has No Exemplary Past or Present. But What Lies Ahead for the Country? Europeans, US, developed country, developing country. Bolsonaro, future B. Michael Rubin For years, experts have debated what separates a developing country from a developed one. The GDP (Gross Domestic Product) of a country is one simple way to measure its economic development. Another way to measure a country's progress is the extent of public education, e.g. how many citizens complete high school. A country's health may be measured by the effectiveness of its healthcare system, for example, life expectancy and infant mortality. With these measurement tools, it's easier to gauge the difference between a country like Brazil and one like the U.S. What's not easy to gauge is how these two countries developed so differently when they were both "discovered" at the same time. In 1492 and 1500 respectively, the U.S. and Brazil fell under the spell of white Europeans for the first time. While the British and Portuguese had the same modus operandi, namely, to exploit their discoveries for whatever they had to offer, not to mention extinguishing the native Americans already living there if they got in the way, the end result turned out significantly different in the U.S. than in Brazil. There are several theories on how/why the U.S. developed at a faster pace than Brazil. The theories originate via contrasting perspectives – from psychology to economics to geography. One of the most popular theories suggests the divergence between the two countries is linked to politics, i.e. the U.S. established a democratic government in 1776, while Brazil's democracy it could be said began only in earnest in the 1980s. This theory states that the Portuguese monarchy, as well as the 19th and 20th century oligarchies that followed it, had no motivation to invest in industrial development or education of the masses. Rather, Brazil was prized for its cheap and plentiful labor to mine the rich soil of its vast land. There is another theory based on collective psychology that says the first U.S. colonizers from England were workaholic Puritans, who avoided dancing and music in place of work and religious devotion. They labored six days a week then spent all of Sunday in church. Meanwhile, the white settlers in Brazil were unambitious criminals who had been freed from prison in Portugal in exchange for settling in Brazil. The Marxist interpretation of why Brazil lags behind the U.S. was best summarized by Eduardo Galeano, the Uruguayan writer, in 1970. Galeano said five hundred years ago the U.S. had the good fortune of bad fortune. What he meant was the natural riches of Brazil – gold, silver, and diamonds – made it ripe for exploitation by western Europe. Whereas in the U.S., lacking such riches, the thirteen colonies were economically insignificant to the British. Instead, U.S. industrialization had official encouragement from England, resulting in early diversification of its exports and rapid development of manufacturing. II Leaving this debate to the historians, let us turn our focus to the future. According to global projections by several economic strategists, what lies ahead for Brazil, the U.S., and the rest of the world is startling. Projections forecast that based on GDP growth, in 2050 the world's largest economy will be China, not the U.S. In third place will be India, and in fourth – Brazil. With the ascendency of three-fourths of the BRIC countries over the next decades, it will be important to reevaluate the terms developed and developing. In thirty years, it may no longer be necessary to accept the label characterized by Nelson Rodrigues's famous phrase "complexo de vira-lata," for Brazil's national inferiority complex. For Brazilians, this future scenario presents glistening hope. A country with stronger economic power would mean the government has greater wealth to expend on infrastructure, crime control, education, healthcare, etc. What many Brazilians are not cognizant of are the pitfalls of economic prosperity. While Brazilians today may be envious of their wealthier northern neighbors, there are some aspects of a developed country's profile that are not worth envying. For example, the U.S. today far exceeds Brazil in the number of suicides, prescription drug overdoses, and mass shootings. GDP growth and economic projections depend on multiple variables, chief among them the global economic situation and worldwide political stability. A war in the Middle East, for example, can affect oil production and have global ramifications. Political stability within a country is also essential to its economic health. Elected presidents play a crucial role in a country's progress, especially as presidents may differ radically in their worldview. The political paths of the U.S. and Brazil are parallel today. In both countries, we've seen a left-wing regime (Obama/PT) followed by a far-right populist one (Trump/Bolsonaro), surprising many outside observers, and in the U.S. contradicting every political pollster, all of whom predicted a Trump loss to Hillary Clinton in 2016. In Brazil, although Bolsonaro was elected by a clear majority, his triumph has created a powerful emotional polarization in the country similar to what is happening in the U.S. Families, friends, and colleagues have split in a love/hate relationship toward the current presidents in the U.S. and Brazil, leaving broken friendships and family ties. Both presidents face enormous challenges to keep their campaign promises. In Brazil, a sluggish economy just recovering from a recession shows no signs of robust GDP growth for at least the next two years. High unemployment continues to devastate the consumer confidence index in Brazil, and Bolsonaro is suffering under his campaign boasts that his Economy Minister, Paulo Guedes, has all the answers to fix Brazil's slump. Additionally, there is no end to the destruction caused by corruption in Brazil. Some experts believe corruption to be the main reason why Brazil has one of the world's largest wealth inequality gaps. Political corruption robs government coffers of desperately needed funds for education and infrastructure, in addition to creating an atmosphere that encourages everyday citizens to underreport income and engage in the shadow economy, thereby sidestepping tax collectors and regulators. "Why should I be honest about reporting my income when nobody else is? The politicians are only going to steal the tax money anyway," one Brazilian doctor told me. While Bolsonaro has promised a housecleaning of corrupt officials, this is a cry Brazilians have heard from every previous administration. In only the first half-year of his presidency, he has made several missteps, such as nominating one of his sons to be the new ambassador to the U.S., despite the congressman's lack of diplomatic credentials. A June poll found that 51 percent of Brazilians now lack confidence in Bolsonaro's leadership. Just this week, Brazil issued regulations that open a fast-track to deport foreigners who are dangerous or have violated the constitution. The rules published on July 26 by Justice Minister Sérgio Moro define a dangerous person as anyone associated with terrorism or organized crime, in addition to football fans with a violent history. Journalists noted that this new regulation had coincidental timing for an American journalist who has come under fire from Moro for publishing private communications of Moro's. Nevertheless, despite overselling his leadership skills, Bolsonaro has made some economic progress. With the help of congressional leader Rodrigo Maia, a bill is moving forward in congress for the restructuring of Brazil's generous pension system. Most Brazilians recognize the long-term value of such a change, which can save the government billions of dollars over the next decade. At merely the possibility of pension reform, outside investors have responded positively, and the São Paulo stock exchange has performed brilliantly, reaching an all-time high earlier this month. In efforts to boost the economy, Bolsonaro and Paulo Guedes have taken the short-term approach advocated by the Chicago school of economics championed by Milton Friedman, who claimed the key to boosting a slugging economy was to cut government spending. Unfortunately many economists, such as Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman, disagree with this approach. They believe the most effective way to revive a slow economy is exactly the opposite, to spend more money not less. They say the government should be investing money in education and infrastructure projects, which can help put people back to work. Bolsonaro/Guedes have also talked about reducing business bureaucracy and revising the absurdly complex Brazilian tax system, which inhibits foreign and domestic business investment. It remains to be seen whether Bolsonaro has the political acumen to tackle this Godzilla-sized issue. Should Bolsonaro find a way to reform the tax system, the pension system, and curb the most egregious villains of political bribery and kickbacks – a tall order – his efforts could indeed show strong economic results in time for the next election in 2022. Meanwhile, some prominent leaders have already lost faith in Bolsonaro's efforts. The veteran of political/economic affairs, Joaquim Levy, has parted company with the president after being appointed head of the government's powerful development bank, BNDES. Levy and Bolsonaro butted heads over an appointment Levy made of a former employee of Lula's. When neither man refused to back down, Levy resigned his position at BNDES. Many observers believe Bolsonaro's biggest misstep has been his short-term approach to fixing the economy by loosening the laws protecting the Amazon rainforest. He and Guedes believe that by opening up more of the Amazon to logging, mining, and farming, we will see immediate economic stimulation. On July 28, the lead article of The New York Times detailed the vastly increased deforestation in the Amazon taking place under Bolsonaro's leadership. Environmental experts argue that the economic benefits of increased logging and mining in the Amazon are microscopic compared to the long-term damage to the environment. After pressure from European leaders at the recent G-20 meeting to do more to protect the world's largest rainforest, Bolsonaro echoed a patriotic response demanding that no one has the right to an opinion about the Amazon except Brazilians. In retaliation to worldwide criticism, Bolsonaro threatened to follow Trump's example and pull out of the Paris climate accord; however, Bolsonaro was persuaded by cooler heads to retract his threat. To prove who was in control of Brazil's Amazon region, he appointed a federal police officer with strong ties to agribusiness as head of FUNAI, the country's indigenous agency. In a further insult to the world's environmental leaders, not to mention common sense, Paulo Guedes held a news conference on July 25 in Manaus, the largest city in the rainforest, where he declared that since the Amazon forest is known for being the "lungs" of the world, Brazil should charge other countries for all the oxygen the forest produces. Bolsonaro/Guedes also have promised to finish paving BR-319, a controversial highway that cuts through the Amazon forest, linking Manaus to the state of Rondônia and the rest of the country. Inaugurated in 1976, BR-319 was abandoned by federal governments in the 1980s and again in the 1990s as far too costly and risky. Environmentalists believe the highway's completion will seal a death knoll on many indigenous populations by vastly facilitating the growth of the logging and mining industries. Several dozen heavily armed miners dressed in military fatigues invaded a Wajãpi village recently in the state of Amapá near the border of French Guiana and fatally stabbed one of the community's leaders. While Brazil's environmental protection policies are desperately lacking these days, not all the news here was bad. On the opening day of the 2019 Pan America Games in Lima, Peru, Brazilian Luisa Baptista, swam, biked, and ran her way to the gold medal in the women's triathlon. The silver medal went to Vittoria Lopes, another Brazilian. B. Michael Rubin is an American writer living in Brazil.

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